tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-75450637244880965972024-03-06T13:32:04.899+08:00ASEAN StrategicIntelligence and communications for investment, trade and connectivity with South East Asia and the ASEAN CommunityUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger222125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-32918593795319969222024-03-04T18:18:00.001+08:002024-03-04T18:23:41.730+08:00An ASEAN Vision: President Marcos warns the Philippines won't be a 'mere pawn' in China-USA power showdown<p><span style="font-size: large;">At the Australian think tank <b>Lowy
Institute</b> on the sidelines of the <b>ASEAN-Australia Special Summit</b> in Melbourne on Monday, 4 March 2024, <b>President Ferdinand R Marcos Jr</b> delivered a keynote speech* on 'Peace and Resilience Amidst great Power Rivalries: The Philippine Perspective'.</span></p><p><span style="font-size: large;">In the presence of Australia's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, <b>Richard Marles</b>, and other dignitaries, President Marcos shared his views on the Philippines’ perspective on "so-called great power rivalries" and to speak to "some of the brightest strategic minds in Australia, a country that the Philippines holds in high regard"</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMq5fQ3eDF9JLE7XF5iZ72PLFgB_hyphenhyphen9-6enqjaARPkrCiKbXloYfIYpYk7VpPBjArNk8hx34xMrAeQhera05SxBH_1QvKjlv3Pio04oMVijyQa9xPf_iSmt6FnMSWdggkwLz4ECdo2KOTa_cRqXgVHV2jcK1QY6K9EG8JSu6wBH1qI5uBXN7i3h7LuF9o/s1499/President%20Ferdinand%20%E2%80%98Bongbong%E2%80%99%20Marcos%20Jr2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="690" data-original-width="1499" height="294" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMq5fQ3eDF9JLE7XF5iZ72PLFgB_hyphenhyphen9-6enqjaARPkrCiKbXloYfIYpYk7VpPBjArNk8hx34xMrAeQhera05SxBH_1QvKjlv3Pio04oMVijyQa9xPf_iSmt6FnMSWdggkwLz4ECdo2KOTa_cRqXgVHV2jcK1QY6K9EG8JSu6wBH1qI5uBXN7i3h7LuF9o/w640-h294/President%20Ferdinand%20%E2%80%98Bongbong%E2%80%99%20Marcos%20Jr2.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p>THE PHILIPPINES and Australia are maritime democracies bound by meaningful commonalities.</p><p>As the oldest democracies in the Pacific, our respective strategic perspectives and actions are grounded in our shared values. As pioneers of the postwar international order, we have an enduring commitment to upholding the rule of law, justice, and equity in international affairs.</p><p>When I addressed the Parliament of Australia last week, I had the opportunity to reflect upon our shared history, our present bonds, and our common aspirations for the future.</p><p>Our respective histories and identities, and our similar but separate perspectives, demonstrate that there exists in the region, and indeed across the world, a multiplicity of actors, each with its own distinct interests and aspirations.</p><p>The Lowy Institute understands this, having devoted much energy to discerning the multiple strategic calculations that motivate the various actors in this region, and to measure the capabilities through the Asia Power Index. But this does not seem to be clear to all.</p><p>There are those who continue to see regional developments solely from the narrow prism of great power rivalries. There are those who reduce these developments for a regional regression towards outdated Cold War paradigms. And there are those who see in these developments a potential return to the hierarchical international system of centuries past.</p><p>The Philippines of course understands that widening geopolitical polarities around the world and the sharpening strategic competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America have become a reality permeating the regional strategic environment. But we caution against over-emphasizing this reality.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">Such undue emphasis tends to subsume the legitimate rights and interests of countries like the Philippines, Australia, and other ASEAN Member States into the interests of the so-called major countries, as if we are mere pawns with no strategic agencies.</span></p><p>It also obscures our judgment. It distracts us from calling out aggressive, unilateral, illegal, and unlawful actions for what they are: attacks against the rule of international law and the principles of the Charter of the <b>United Nations</b>.</p><p>Indeed, there are those who sometimes justify such provocations under the pretext of geopolitics and mischaracterize the remedies availed of by the aggrieved as mere tactics in this grand strategic game.</p><p>If we are to successfully navigate the treacherous waters brought about by this recent geopolitical flux, we need to clarify and we need to have foresight.</p><p>The future of this region will be shaped not by one or two, but by many actors, and they will each demand that their voices be heard, individually and collectively, as indeed they should be.</p><p>Thus, the Philippines begins any conversation regarding great power competition with a strong rejection of any, any subordination of our distinct national interests and denial of our sovereignty and strategic agency.</p><p>Ladies and gentlemen, We acknowledge the undeniable importance of the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America to the security situation and the economic evolution of this region and of the world. We must deal with both of them constructively.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">Along with Australia, the Philippines is the oldest treaty ally of the United States in Asia. We forged this alliance by our own choice and we continue to strengthen it by our own choice.</span></p><p>Our alliance has been a pillar of regional stability for decades, and we all need for it to continue to be a force for good in the coming years. It is rooted in a long history, built upon shared values, and strengthened by mutual respect as equal and sovereign partners.</p><p>At the same time, centuries of friendship and kinship bind the Filipino and Chinese people. We pursue with the People’s Republic of China <b>Comprehensive Strategic Cooperation</b> founded on mutual respect and mutual benefit.</p><p>Our independent foreign policy compels us to cooperate with them on matters where our interests align, to respectfully disagree on areas where our views differ, and to push back when our sworn principles, such as our sovereignty, sovereign rights, and our jurisdiction in the West Philippine Sea — are questioned or ignored.</p><p>In this specific context of the South China Sea, our interests are clear. They lie in ensuring that the universal and unified character of the <b>1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea</b> or UNCLOS and in the final and binding determinations of the <b>South China Sea Arbitration Award of 2016</b> are firmly and consistently upheld.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">It is unfortunate that despite the clarity provided by international law, provocative, unilateral, and illegal actions continue to infringe upon our sovereignty, our sovereign rights, our jurisdictions. This pattern of aggression obstructs our path towards ASEAN’s vision of the South China Sea as a sea of peace, stability, and of prosperity.</span></p><p>As a country committed to the cause of peace and the peaceful settlement of disputes, the Philippines continues to tread the path of dialogue and diplomacy despite these serious difficulties.</p><p>We will continue to engage China, bilaterally and through ASEAN-led mechanisms, to address our differences at sea.</p><p>We are determined to make our bilateral mechanisms with China work, and we will leverage our bilateral mechanisms with other claimant states towards the peaceful management of disputes.</p><p>Our adherence to the <b>2002 ASEAN-China Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea</b> remains steadfast, and so is our commitment to working with ASEAN and China towards an effective and substantive<b> Code of Conduct (COC)</b> that finds its moorings in UNCLOS and respects the interest of all stakeholders, including Australia.</p><p>And yet these efforts are not pursued in a vacuum — a conducive environment where tensions are effectively managed is crucial to the success of the COC negotiations.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">We shall never surrender even a square inch of our territory and our maritime jurisdiction. </span></p><p>In this regard, we are upgrading the capabilities of our Coast Guard and pursuing the modernization of our Armed Forces. And earlier this year, I approved the updated acquisition plan of the Armed Forces of the Philippines called <b>Re-Horizon 3</b>, in line with our <b>Comprehensive Archipelagic Defense Concept</b>.</p><p>Our forces must be able to guarantee, to the fullest extent possible, Filipino nationals, Philippine corporations, and those authorized by the Philippine Government, unimpeded and peaceful exploration and exploitation of all natural resources in areas where we have jurisdiction, including and especially our exclusive economic zone, in accordance with international law.</p><p>Philippine agencies, forces, and institutions are working to strengthen our capabilities.</p><p>We are on the frontline of international efforts to preserve, defend, and uphold the rules-based international order — the same platform from which the postwar Asian economic miracles took off, and upon which the continued prosperity of countries like Australia relies.</p><p>Ladies and gentlemen, we, in the Indo-Pacific, cannot ignore the existential impact of great power rivalries upon the survival of our peoples and our communities.</p><p>Amidst the alarming reversal of the historic trend of decreasing nuclear stockpiles in the region, we must remember that the tragic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons use were borne by peoples of this region, the hibakusha of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and the victims of nuclear tests in the Pacific.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">It is time to bring Indo-Pacific issues to the fore of global conversations on nuclear disarmament. The People’s Republic of China and the United States must engage in meaningful dialogue to maintain strategic stability, and to limit any nuclear arms build-up.</span></p><p>The Philippines and Australia, along with Japan, are at the forefront of efforts to reduce nuclear risks in the region. These nuclear risks demonstrate the need for greater power— for great powers to manage their strategic competition in a responsible manner.</p><p>We, in the Indo-Pacific, must ensure that great powers do not treat the world as an arena for their competition. The pursuit of the great powers’ respective strategic goals must never come at the expense of the interests of smaller states, nor of regional and international peace.</p><p>At the same time, we must also put things into their proper perspective. Great power rivalries constitute only one of several storms that render turbulent the waters that confront humanity’s common journey at this crucial juncture.</p><p>In addition to widening geopolitical polarities and sharpening strategic competitions, we are also confronted with uncertainties posed by transformative technologies and the existential threat of climate change, even as persistent inequities and inequalities within and among our nations remain unresolved.</p><p>Amidst challenging global tides, we remain convinced that the only ballast stabilizing our common vessel is the rules-based international order.</p><p>The Philippines and Australia, along with many other nations, fought a world war to build this rules-based architecture, and had been painstakingly reinforced this architecture one brick at a time throughout the last century, from the onset and through the aftermath of the Cold War.</p><p>So, for the Philippines, our continuing commitment to this architecture reflects our history of upholding human dignity and promoting peace, and is premised on four strategic considerations.</p><p>First, this rules-based order is the best guarantee for the sovereignty equality of all states, regardless of size.</p><p>Second, the predictability and stability that it engenders provides an enabling environment for us to pursue our national ambition, that every Filipino should have a stable, secure, and comfortable life by 2040.</p><p>Third, it provides a credible legal regime that guarantees a just and equitable access by all states to the global commons, and to all frontiers that could lead to sustainable development. This includes the high seas, outer space, cyberspace, as well as peaceful uses of science and technologies.</p><p>Fourth, it enables states to galvanize effective international action to confront challenges that no one nation can successfully tackle on their own, including the existential threat of climate change and the uncertainties posed by— as yet unrealized transformative technologies that are becoming available to us.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">To safeguard these four enablers of global peace and development, we need to build resilience. We need resilient diplomatic and global governance and governance structures that can withstand geopolitical shocks. These structures must be grounded in international law, in which all nations seek balance and strength.</span></p><p>They must remain credible providers of global goods and meaningful venues for nations to pursue common ground and decisive and equitable solutions to global and regional problems.</p><p>At the international level, building such resilience entails continued engagement and active leadership by middle powers that have the capacity to reach across political and ideological lines, forge genuine consensus, and lead credible efforts towards decisive multilateral solutions.</p><p>At the regional level, this means continued centrality of ASEAN in the regional architecture, and active engagement by all stakeholders in ASEAN-led mechanisms.</p><p>We must also build economic resilience against future uncertainties.</p><p>We need to ensure that our economies remain powerful tools that positively shape the lives of our peoples and ensure the sustainability of the planet.</p><p>We expect Australia’s <b>Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040</b> that will build on the new <b>ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement (AANZFTA)</b> and the <b>Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)</b>.</p><p>We welcome with growing interest in Australia to explore and explore further pursue investment opportunities in the Philippines, which is projected to lead ASEAN’s growth this year, having managed to outpace major Asian economies with a solid growth rate of 5.6 percent last year.</p><p>At the heart of regional economic progress lies economic interdependence. As nations engage in mutually beneficial trade and investment, they become stakeholders in each other’s success.</p><p>Yet, the Philippines also understands concerns regarding the strategic risks that integration entails.</p><p>So, amidst talks of decoupling and de-risking, what we seek is resilience to such risks.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">I am therefore of the view that securing strategic sectors and critical infrastructure is critical to our security and to our development. Securing our nations entails securing our economies and enhancing the resilience of our supply chains.</span></p><p>In our bilateral plan of action with Australia, we committed to work together to further develop capacities in critical infrastructure security, particularly in transport and telecommunications.</p><p>We will also broaden cooperation on mineral resources development, energy transition, and space science and technology applications.</p><p>Last week, we signed an agreement on cyber and critical technology cooperation that will promote the secure and peaceful uses of cyberspace.</p><p>Beyond our bilateral partnerships, we see value in building resilience, too, through reinforced habits of cooperation amongst like-minded partners in specific areas.</p><p>Our trilateral cooperation with Malaysia and Indonesia in curbing piracy in the Sulu Sea and Celebes Sea is one such example.</p><p>We intend to foster new arrangements to promote maritime security and freedom of navigation, amongst others, through other similar trilateral and multilateral formats.</p><p>We share this thinking with Australia, which has been at the forefront of efforts to forge security arrangements with like-minded states, including AUKUS.</p><p><span style="font-size: x-large;">We are clearly of the mind that AUKUS will enhance regional stability while respecting ASEAN Centrality and adhering to the highest standards of transparency in accordance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.</span></p><p>Finally, no talk of resilience is complete without the consideration of climate change. This is a deadly challenge that threatens the very survival of millions, especially those in the small island developing states in the Pacific. The Filipino people share this vulnerability with our kin in the Pacific Island States.</p><p>For us, the time to talk about ifs and whens has long since passed, it is here and it is now. We expect responsible states and partners to do more and they must do that now. We will continue to pursue just and equitable climate action in all our multilateral engagements, including in the context of the <b>Loss and Damage Fund Board</b>.</p><p>Developed countries have a responsibility to support vulnerable countries in climate adaptation and mitigation. We will also continue to pursue our climate action strategy, a pillar of which is our robust commitment to a just energy transition.</p><p>Ladies and gentlemen, We must not lose sight of our collective responsibility for peace and resilience in the Indo-Pacific.</p><p>Our work is about people and about communities, their security, their survival, their dignity, and their future. It is about inclusion and equal regard to the interests of all nations, not just a few. It thrives on cooperation, not geopolitical contests, and it cannot progress without a stable and predictable order based on the rule of international law.</p><p>We must not allow this so-called great power rivalry to distract or hinder us from the pursuit of peace and development.</p><p>Buoyed by one of the fastest growing economies in the region, the Philippines pledges to continue acting responsibly in line with our increasing potential as we inevitably rise in global standing.</p><p>We embrace our role in the region and in the world with a sense of purpose and dedication. We cannot be observers, but active participants, catalysts for innovation, architects of a better future.</p><p>We in the Philippines stand committed to promoting peace and prosperity in our region. We aspire to live peacefully with all our neighbors and continue to believe that the successes of all our regional partners contribute to our own success, as thus our success contribute to the region.</p><p>Together with our friends, especially our allies and Strategic Partners, we will face the challenges and opportunities that [lie] ahead confident in our ability to create a safe, a stable, and secure future that celebrates diversity, mutual respect, and collective progress.</p><p>Thank you all very much for this great opportunity to share with you some of the thoughts and perspective from the Philippines.</p><p>Mabuhay and magandang hapon po sa inyong lahat.</p><p>Good afternoon. [applause]</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWffLdaC2qkUTMa_dcLJNY2byBIXyYsobg9OnwJChf_nB4qqvytDlvIse6mj-FixP1VG4dc9Wme2Ijz5kJhdlQOSIorXGIk3OU3x3LRfDPNuhWrrZ5IodR9cjKEO_03CP2drsZekgD-5NO_TvCF1cQc4UJsQwozPx0uq3slQTjvVjhFv194UoHvXG5u7k/s1500/PCO-1500x500px-Banner-ASEAN-Australia-Summit.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="500" data-original-width="1500" height="214" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWffLdaC2qkUTMa_dcLJNY2byBIXyYsobg9OnwJChf_nB4qqvytDlvIse6mj-FixP1VG4dc9Wme2Ijz5kJhdlQOSIorXGIk3OU3x3LRfDPNuhWrrZ5IodR9cjKEO_03CP2drsZekgD-5NO_TvCF1cQc4UJsQwozPx0uq3slQTjvVjhFv194UoHvXG5u7k/w640-h214/PCO-1500x500px-Banner-ASEAN-Australia-Summit.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><p><b><i>* Extracted from the official transcript, available with video, from the <a href="https://pco.gov.ph/presidential-speech/keynote-speech-by-president-ferdinand-r-marcos-jr-at-the-lowy-institute-peace-and-resilience-amidst-great-power-rivalries-the-philippine-perspective/">Government of the Philippines</a></i></b></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-78667064294627894402024-02-09T12:43:00.001+08:002024-02-09T12:43:38.204+08:00Australia and ASEAN celebrate their 50th Anniversary of Dialogue Relations with a special summit in 2024<p><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419; font-size: large;"><span style="white-space-collapse: preserve;">Following the 36th ASEAN -Australia Forum held in Melbourne, Australia's new resident Ambassador to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Ms Tiffany McDonald, presented her Letter of Credence to Secretary-General Dr Kao Kim Hourn at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta. This year Australia and ASEAN celebrate their 50th Anniversary of Dialogue Relations.</span></span></p><p></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2ohr3xlxDiVeO1LbMnAm9wdzHoObMZNamOzMHCbfued56ZNbvHcixHcMJx4HMuZZ_FrK3j0SHYg_CjX8nQFt1HkV1CMBuSkUVcvt3B_8_-7KRzRsqZW9aWNqmnjMnFQ1tUuwODpzN55shgW29OErFCOmmYkki4cLs4YtUJpGjDl6P39C6rWX2K6e7TPk/s1140/Asean%20aust%20ambo.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="774" data-original-width="1140" height="434" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2ohr3xlxDiVeO1LbMnAm9wdzHoObMZNamOzMHCbfued56ZNbvHcixHcMJx4HMuZZ_FrK3j0SHYg_CjX8nQFt1HkV1CMBuSkUVcvt3B_8_-7KRzRsqZW9aWNqmnjMnFQ1tUuwODpzN55shgW29OErFCOmmYkki4cLs4YtUJpGjDl6P39C6rWX2K6e7TPk/w640-h434/Asean%20aust%20ambo.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Australian Ambassador Tiffany McDonald with ASEAN Secretary-General Dr Kao Kim Hourn</td></tr></tbody></table><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); color: #0f1419; font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><br /></span><p></p><p><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); color: #0f1419; font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">Dr Kao underscored the importance of ASEAN-Australia Dialogue Relations that contributes to the development and promotion of peace, stability, and prosperity in the region and stressed the commitment of both sides to further strengthen the ASEAN-Australia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP). </span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 15px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;">He also expressed the ASEAN Secretariat’s readiness to work with Ambassador McDonald and the Mission of Australia to ASEAN to promote ASEAN-Australia cooperation, especially in light of the 50th Anniversary of Dialogue Relations this year.
Ambassador McDonald reaffirmed ASEAN as an important partner for Australia, and Australia’s commitment to further strengthening cooperation with ASEAN under the ASEAN-Australia CSP, as well as supporting ASEAN Centrality and ASEAN Community-building efforts. </span></span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419; font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">ASEAN and Australia established Dialogue Relations in 1974, which was elevated to Strategic Partnership in 2014 on the occasion of 40th Anniversary of the relationship. Both sides established the ASEAN-Australia CSP in 2021. </span></span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 15px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"></span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjncumuESL_h-n_tXpsbdcFEw3BTZPotRkKu5Vb9eS-PjQH-3fTmvO40eIf3Ov85BbSY1aom4dO38z-5UMfPM9acNLPuH-SGrx6RZUijRvdaON5tT2Hf3PP3iDwUPfGyw7CNKL5u0DWIEHhE6zOBIPGhOEug8jLpqmg7KfjK00mXlqdA4IzCx8FUWS-L1s/s1080/ASSEAN%201974.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="829" data-original-width="1080" height="492" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjncumuESL_h-n_tXpsbdcFEw3BTZPotRkKu5Vb9eS-PjQH-3fTmvO40eIf3Ov85BbSY1aom4dO38z-5UMfPM9acNLPuH-SGrx6RZUijRvdaON5tT2Hf3PP3iDwUPfGyw7CNKL5u0DWIEHhE6zOBIPGhOEug8jLpqmg7KfjK00mXlqdA4IzCx8FUWS-L1s/w640-h492/ASSEAN%201974.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">ASEAN Secretaries-General meet with Australian officials in Canberra, 1974</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 15px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"></span></span></div><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 15px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><br />
Over the past 50 years, cooperation between ASEAN and Australia have continuously developed, deepened and expanded to cover a wide range of areas across the three ASEAN Community pillars.
Both sides are celebrating the 50th Anniversary of Dialogue Relations this year with the convening of the ASEAN-Australia Special Summit in Melbourne, Australia, on 4-6 March 2024.
Relations between Australia and ASEAN have waxed and waned through the years, Ms Sue Thompson writes in a <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/australia-asean-storied-history" target="_blank">commemorative article for the Lowy Institute</a>, b</span><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); color: #0f1419; font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">ut after 50 years of dialogue, the relationship has matured on economic, political and strategic interests:</span></span><p></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 15px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;">"Responding to the economic and political policies of the individual ASEAN members vis-à-vis those of the regional entity has been a major issue for Australia over the decades, especially as the strategic and economic landscape has evolved since the end of the Cold War and the expansion of ASEAN membership that now includes Brunei, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar in addition to the original five.
"Nevertheless, the relationship has continued with Australia’s participation in several ASEAN initiatives such as the ASEAN Regional Forum, Free Trade Agreements, and the East Asia Summit. In 1974, Canberra saw ASEAN as an important vehicle for economic development that went hand-in-hand with internal Southeast Asian security, and this lay the foundations for Canberra’s continued acceptance of ASEAN as a significant regional forum."</span></span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 15px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><br /></span></span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="font-size: 15px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLIF4rj34QHhFOKQjNK1MdeumKBODCAQsPAMPQKxrlAgWoaXgjA86ZlN9TKyr5BZpSTSy7pDx8VykrlO8QZraWAOUVSd3HUukEZ-AThDeKSGpzAkyXE0B6AdnWS2DC9y6XYSoZEsHJtC-8FjsKbUMXqFeIUtOW-B2KWTYJ2zmBsJWBGAtNhg5GCJEayLw/s1024/ASEAN%202005.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="685" data-original-width="1024" height="428" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLIF4rj34QHhFOKQjNK1MdeumKBODCAQsPAMPQKxrlAgWoaXgjA86ZlN9TKyr5BZpSTSy7pDx8VykrlO8QZraWAOUVSd3HUukEZ-AThDeKSGpzAkyXE0B6AdnWS2DC9y6XYSoZEsHJtC-8FjsKbUMXqFeIUtOW-B2KWTYJ2zmBsJWBGAtNhg5GCJEayLw/w640-h428/ASEAN%202005.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs signs Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, 2005</td></tr></tbody></table><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"><br /><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><span style="font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><br /></span></span></span><p></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"><span style="background-color: transparent; font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;">The <a href="https://aseanaustralia.pmc.gov.au/" target="_blank">2024 ASEAN-Australia Special Summit</a> is intended </span></span><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><span style="font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">to enhance cooperation under the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership established in 2021 and will bring leaders together to look ahead to the next 50 years of ASEAN-Australia cooperation. The Special Summit will also bring together emerging leaders and experts to foster economic, climate and clean energy, and maritime cooperation efforts.
In addition to a Leaders’ plenary and retreat, the three-day Summit will provide an opportunity to further strengthen our partnerships through events centred around key focus areas – Business, Emerging Leaders, Climate and Clean Energy, and Maritime Cooperation.
Events will focus on key sectors and themes of Australia's <b><a href="https://www.dfat.gov.au/southeastasiaeconomicstrategy">Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040</a></b> (a report by Mr </span></span></span><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><span style="font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">Nicholas Moore AO, Special Envoy for Southeast Asia</span></span><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); color: #0f1419; font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">), including a particular focus on greater trade and investment between Australia and Southeast Asia and our collective Green energy transition:</span></p><p><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, "Segoe UI", Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); color: #0f1419; font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">A <b>CEO Business Forum</b> will bring together Australian and Southeast Asian business leaders, industry stakeholders and government agencies to discuss ways to strengthen two-way trade and investment. </span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><span style="font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">An <b>SME Conference</b>, accompanied by an <b>SME Marketplac</b>e featuring trade and investment experts to provide advice to Australian SMEs interested in doing business with Southeast Asia.
The next generation of Australian and ASEAN leaders will participate in an Emerging Leaders’ Dialogue, which will seek to foster a common understanding of the key long-term challenges that ASEAN and Australia jointly face, and identify areas for further cooperation.</span></span></span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><span style="font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">A <b>Climate and Clean Energy Forum</b> will bring together ASEAN and Australian representatives from governments, academia, think tanks, civil society and the private sector to promote the exchange of ideas and consider opportunities to further the energy transition across the region.</span></span></span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><span style="font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">The Blue Economy and maritime security issues will be considered in new academic research at the <b>Maritime Cooperation Conference</b>. Perspectives on regional maritime challenges and opportunities will be shared at the Maritime Cooperation Track 1.5 Dialogue.
</span></span></span></p><p><span class="css-1qaijid r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0 r-poiln3" style="background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.03); border: 0px solid black; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; min-width: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-overflow: unset;"><span face="TwitterChirp, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, Segoe UI, Roboto, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #0f1419;"><span style="font-size: 15px; white-space-collapse: preserve;">The Summit will take place at the Melbourne Convention and Exhibition Centre, located in the heart of Melbourne, capital of Australia's Victoria state.</span></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEvUU_LjFpFgFxWTW9HQg_9BQQLGW77IOC0lBz-ulRf8es3fYQ_gisPpqHvybnxfSm6TsVBl-ZhEGkj0OS-xxyoyLoop_24VbNt2RB_5pc4c3HXQJlFDo1ANjdzlnvVt4sfXtBLYdEaXloBdXWyGwCZo2WsC3DpiR0bgvuo6vhQ2ouUaZkOrohGtrfE0w/s400/ASEAN-Australia-1974-2024.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="346" data-original-width="400" height="277" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEvUU_LjFpFgFxWTW9HQg_9BQQLGW77IOC0lBz-ulRf8es3fYQ_gisPpqHvybnxfSm6TsVBl-ZhEGkj0OS-xxyoyLoop_24VbNt2RB_5pc4c3HXQJlFDo1ANjdzlnvVt4sfXtBLYdEaXloBdXWyGwCZo2WsC3DpiR0bgvuo6vhQ2ouUaZkOrohGtrfE0w/s320/ASEAN-Australia-1974-2024.png" width="320" /></a></div><br /><p>Ambassador Tiffany McDonald is a <a href="https://www.foreignminister.gov.au/minister/penny-wong/media-release/ambassador-asean" target="_blank">senior career officer with the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade</a> and has previously served overseas as High Commissioner to Brunei Darussalam, and at diplomatic posts in France, Holy See, South Korea, the United Kingdom and Indonesia.</p><p>Before her diplomatic service, she worked as Director of CPDS - Centre for Political and Diplomatic Studies (UK), Senior Adviser to Global Counsel (UK), External Relations Officer at UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency (Indonesia), and as an Employment Lawyer at Blake Dawson Waldron.</p><p>She completed her law degree at The Australian National University and her Masters, Law at The University of Queensland.</p><p>She said this is an "exciting time to commence as Australia's Ambassador to ASEAN as we celebrate 50 years of ASEAN-Australia Dialogue Relations in 2024" and is looking forward to our #ASEAN50Aus Special Summit in Melbourne in March."</p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-338060473239597272023-08-30T04:07:00.000+08:002023-08-30T04:07:26.026+08:00Making ASEAN relevant to the young people of Southeast Asia<p><span style="font-size: large;">On the eve of the 42nd Summit of the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b>, hosted by Indonesia in Jakarta,<b> </b><b>Lee Yoong Yoong</b>, Director for Community Affairs at the <b>ASEAN Secretariat</b>, muses on how ASEAN specialists could inspire young people about their region.</span></p><p><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLZXP4k2Zn20rnuOAcHoLCLHCHdm7o7jY__W61Mees3CwFFf3QioVKZH8XrbfPBltDrIWm7h1aoPLckVpouDm9dRkaX6cyNK8GFvvO5U-Bh6OJWktlnvPDtraLVIuF31EpJZj9XSHtDFk3sH74Sa0zvbxSqoEQsD36LyKP_8sbA5lGYtBTBcbYL-f9daQ/s1140/Adoption%20of%20the%20ASEAN%20Youth%20Development%20Index%202017%202.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="644" data-original-width="1140" height="362" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLZXP4k2Zn20rnuOAcHoLCLHCHdm7o7jY__W61Mees3CwFFf3QioVKZH8XrbfPBltDrIWm7h1aoPLckVpouDm9dRkaX6cyNK8GFvvO5U-Bh6OJWktlnvPDtraLVIuF31EpJZj9XSHtDFk3sH74Sa0zvbxSqoEQsD36LyKP_8sbA5lGYtBTBcbYL-f9daQ/w640-h362/Adoption%20of%20the%20ASEAN%20Youth%20Development%20Index%202017%202.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><p>INTERNATIONAL YOUTH Day is celebrated annually on 12 August. Growing up as a young person in Singapore in the 1980-90s, I was more in tune with the arts, music, and literatures of American and British influences than I was with local and regional popular culture. I was also more familiar with western-based landmarks, eg the Eiffel Tower, than I was with those in Southeast Asia, eg Borobudur Temple. That was how oblivious I was of the region I was living in.</p><p>Though I knew who Singapore’s closest neighbours were, I was unaware of the inter-historical ties between them. The only inkling I had of Singapore’s link with the regional countries was the Singapore-Malaysia relations, and my limited knowledge of the biennial SEA Games. I learnt to recognise the respective Southeast Asian countries’ flags as they appeared next to the competing athletes’ names on the television. It never occurred to me that I should be embarrassed by my lack of regional knowledge. </p><p>I began to know more about Southeast Asia when my secondary school taught modern histories of Indonesia (known as Dutch East India then), Myanmar (then known as Burma), and Thailand (then known as Siam). All my classmates found the lessons dry and dull. They were unable to comprehend why the East India Companies of Britain and the Netherlands decided to exchange Bencoolen (Bengkulu) with Malacca so that no pocket of territory was excluded from the two powers’ sphere of colonisation influences. Similarly, my class cannot understand why the region was so appealing to these western powers that they had to travel far and wide over months of vessel-expeditions to possess Southeast Asian lands in the names of trade and development. </p><p>As I looked back, I also found out how India’s Hindu and Buddhist influences had spread everywhere across the region, leaving imprints in the form of monuments and inscriptions. I studied how indigenous rulers in ancient Southeast Asia adopted the practices of Indian kingship to develop territories and economies. The South Asia’s sphere of influence on ancient Southeast Asia is clear in the ruins of Ayutthaya in Thailand and Angkor Wat in Cambodia today, but how many young people in the region knew that?</p><p>By the time I moved up the ladder of my educational journey, I no longer looked at Southeast Asia as an unfamiliar entity. Through my own research and my travelling experiences, I learnt about Southeast Asians’ shared experiences in decolonisation and nation-building, and its common stance in resisting external threats. </p><p>I wondered to myself, why didn’t I know anything about the region before? The only answer I could gather was an apathy that was prevalent among my generation of youths who became accustomed to a spoon-feeding culture. Young people in my time only gave attention to whatever was brought before us, be it education, entertainment, or experience. </p><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><p></p><blockquote style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>"Young people have a role to support ASEAN. They will be the drivers of this region and will determine the ASEAN agenda someday. It is essential for them to embark on getting to know more about ASEAN, and support what ASEAN is doing"</b></span></blockquote><p></p></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote><p></p><p>As part of my current responsibility as the Director for Community Affairs Directorate at the Jakarta-based ASEAN Secretariat [1], I would visit schools and universities around Southeast Asia regularly. Many of them would put up impressive exhibitions to commemorate ASEAN Day on 8 August annually. The exhibits supplied a wealth of information about ASEAN Member States, which included histories, national flags, geographies, landmarks, currencies, traditional attire, and economic progress. </p><p>I was impressed by the research work these students invested in. Despite so, I know that there is still much more that the ASEAN Member States and ASEAN Secretariat can do to raise our students and youth’s awareness of ASEAN while they were still at an impressionable age. </p><p>To me, merely knowing ASEAN through armchair internet research is not enough. The youths must be provided with a more in-depth understanding of the regional grouping to underscore its relevance to its people. </p><p>Beyond a superficial understanding of the individual member states, youths need to know why it is important for the region to remain cohesive and strong. They need to understand that regional peace and stability is not a given but exists because of a collective effort to support it; that ASEAN’s quiet diplomacy has its unique way of dissolving tension arising from bilateral disputes, and that ASEAN holds more economic power than as fragmented markets. Only then would the youths appreciate the common thread that binds the region. </p><p>The only possible obstacle to achieving these is the tendency for youngsters to view such topics as “dry,” “boring,” and “too technical.” Reading about multilateral diplomacy in their textbooks will more likely elicit a yawn from them, at least that was the case with my own son when I went through his history and social studies. That is because what my son learns about the region is either from the internet, or via his schoolbooks. Information presented is mostly memory-based on key dates, main events, or milestone anniversaries.</p><p>Even though ASEAN has been rolling out programs to promote increased involvement of youths in regional activities, these are confined to small groups of student leaders. The multiplier effect of these selected groups is simply insignificant, if we compare the number of participants to the total number of ASEAN youths. </p><p>There is a need to engage these youngsters at a different level. Just as individual countries rouse nationalistic feelings among their citizens through independence day’s celebrations, parades, and songs, it may be far more effective to appeal to these youngsters in a comparable manner. A teen who likes the music of a pop singer will trawl the internet for more information on the artiste and his/her works. A youngster who is fascinated with fashion trends of a particular group of people will mimic them in their dressings. Teenagers of all generations are alike in that they enjoy following the latest in music or fashion in mass media. </p><p>Therein lies the question: “Which aspect of ASEAN culture would appeal to the youths of Southeast Asia?” </p><p>Over the years, I have seen and witnessed commendable efforts to promote ASEAN culture, such as ASEAN Rocks music festival, and ASEAN Film Fair. To generate greater interest among the young in ASEAN, there needs to be a more sensational means of garnering a following. Popular artistes or football heroes of yester years of each member state could come together annually to tour the region. There could be an ASEAN Idol reality singing contest which involves only citizens of member states. We could hold an annual fun parade in each capital where other ASEAN nationals living, studying, and working in the host country would stand for their home countries in their respective contingents. Participants could do a song-and-dance, play their musical instruments, or do a talk-show. </p><p>The important thing is that whatever form it takes, the outreach should be wide, and people should take pleasure in taking part in it. </p><p>Youngsters these days are attracted to popular culture that is easily understood and which strikes a chord with them. They shun what they believe is the high culture. It may be much more effective to create a buzz from the grassroot-up where spontaneous feelings of unity are generated, instead of a top-down approach where people are told what and how to feel. Young people of this generation can smell propaganda a mile away. Such approaches will backfire.</p><p>Moreover, youths these days have more expectations, concerns, and anxieties, but at the same time, they want a larger part in deciding their future. To this, let me say to the youths that ASEAN is for them. In the meantime, these young people have a role to support ASEAN. They will be the drivers of this region and will determine the ASEAN agenda someday. It is essential for them to embark on getting to know more about ASEAN, and support what ASEAN is doing. </p><p>ASEAN is still at the nascent stage of forging a regional identity. Developing a sense of belonging to any community requires time and mutual effort. Trust needs to be built; common experiences need to be shared. It is only when we truly feel a connection that ties begin to grow. When that time comes, young ASEAN citizens will no longer be asking on the relevance of ASEAN. Instead, they shall be the advocates to form the backbone of a strong and dynamic ASEAN Community.</p><p>+++</p><p><b>Lee Yoong Yoong</b> is the Director for Community Affairs at the Jakarta-based <b>ASEAN Secretariat</b>. The opinions expressed in this op-ed are those of the author, and do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of the ASEAN Secretariat.</p><p>[1] The <a href="https://asean.org/">ASEAN Secretariat</a> is the central coordinating body of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Its primary role is to facilitate cooperation and integration among ASEAN Member States. The ASEAN Secretariat works closely with partner organisations, governments, and stakeholders to advance regional cooperation and foster economic, political, and social progress in the region.</p><p><i>First published at https://seasia.co/</i></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-89978608076415865022023-07-09T09:32:00.004+08:002023-07-09T09:34:22.113+08:00Enabling responsible business conduct and fostering green investment in ASEAN<p>What can the member states of the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN) do to further promote investment benefits for their social and environmental objectives? In its 2023 report, <b><a href="https://investasean.asean.org/files/upload/OECD%20Report%20on%20Enabling%20Sustainable%20Investment%20in%20ASEAN.pdf">Enabling sustainable investment in ASEAN</a></b><b>, </b>the<b> Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development</b> (OECD) measures the impact of sustainable Foreign Direct Investment in Southeast Asia, reviews the region's investment policy reforms, and suggests ways to enable responsible business conduct and foster green investment. </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvB4SweeI8sYAFnpIq6GK7PAWlmpxIHXOS2ObapSUtmZryrP0yemzJAEBViz1Jy7UaajIYk6zKMKMy_96Fw5Y6pLvsvdLpsYvNiqgwR2N7utq9S6Djok1QNeWaSJZ-QUcbDixeNu7lV2vXDXHvfPFTv5WQatcTXyGTsttS8SL4H8OpKICpacQGLdS7lEg/s1061/enviro%20(2).jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="405" data-original-width="1061" height="244" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvB4SweeI8sYAFnpIq6GK7PAWlmpxIHXOS2ObapSUtmZryrP0yemzJAEBViz1Jy7UaajIYk6zKMKMy_96Fw5Y6pLvsvdLpsYvNiqgwR2N7utq9S6Djok1QNeWaSJZ-QUcbDixeNu7lV2vXDXHvfPFTv5WQatcTXyGTsttS8SL4H8OpKICpacQGLdS7lEg/w640-h244/enviro%20(2).jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p>SOUTHEAST ASIA has developed rapidly over the past two decades and the region is a major engine of global economic growth. Member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations are at very different stages of development, but almost all their economies have more than doubled in size since 2000.</p><p>Thanks to strong political commitment to effective policies, over 100 million people in the region have been lifted out of poverty in the last 20 years. Member states have individually and collectively made substantial improvements in the climate for investment. Southeast Asia has been among the biggest recipients of foreign direct investment (FDI) among emerging regions, as some countries in the region were early movers in the shift towards export-led development based in part on FDI.</p><p>As the below charts show, FDI flows to Southeast Asia have increased by a factor of nine over the last two decades, with over half of these going to Singapore which tends to act as the regional hub for many investors to invest into other AMS.</p><p>Nevertheless, new, “greenfield” investment projects have seen a major decline since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, with no signs of improvement yet.</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKmqDcv98h9SBFbFpThQmH1qmje6MxX5R9E5d__pNJRI_zh7reom-uwLLjPE7T0tKDuS3yKOD53hTaIiRVwlozIKRNRzbHEEXI-YYMRXH_-VYDd40wEDxNGg9zu-nbo9rBYuodNIuKgiGxzIBNdt-zZphYng4f1JLmrUQRdPPAB7SQ9jAjvv2dyMFidRs/s2247/oecd-fig-1.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1238" data-original-width="2247" height="352" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKmqDcv98h9SBFbFpThQmH1qmje6MxX5R9E5d__pNJRI_zh7reom-uwLLjPE7T0tKDuS3yKOD53hTaIiRVwlozIKRNRzbHEEXI-YYMRXH_-VYDd40wEDxNGg9zu-nbo9rBYuodNIuKgiGxzIBNdt-zZphYng4f1JLmrUQRdPPAB7SQ9jAjvv2dyMFidRs/w640-h352/oecd-fig-1.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><p>Greenfield FDI flows have declined sharply since the onset of the pandemic</p><p>Governments in Southeast Asia devote ample resources to attracting FDI with the hope of creating jobs. Greenfield FDI projects generate on average three direct jobs per million USD invested in the region, but the intensity of job creation varies substantially across countries according to their level of development and economic structure.</p><p>Lower-income countries, such as Myanmar and Lao PDR, as well as countries with abundant fossil fuel resources, such as Brunei Darussalam, tend to attract considerable FDI in natural resource extraction and energy generation, which creates relatively few direct jobs. </p><p>Emerging economies with solid and diversified industrial capabilities, such as Viet Nam and Thailand, create the most jobs per USD invested. Countries with highly skilled labor forces, advanced industries and large financial sectors, such as Malaysia and Singapore, attract FDI in high-tech products and knowledge-intensive services, which require fewer workers.</p><p>The high capital intensity of manufacturing FDI in Indonesia is driven by the metals and chemicals industries, while the high labor intensity of FDI in the Philippines is driven primarily by business support services.</p><p>FDI induced job creation varies with sector specialization and stage of development</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifRagOb05ndcEs2sHhRJSvNCjBCBGB2z6kUxN8tW_IsefgprgB4ChsNsCZdSUI9-Uexl-urq_dxxVED1PLBorYwNejvZbmq5QQFAxKAJDLQNY6ZSMVuTYqDJAyQqdFXCotBPjiLHCYJ8cK9XhHgWZnRUxAlECqB9U59jGAraURPKq2BGFDqER-2BWYj6I/s2247/oecd-fig-2.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1388" data-original-width="2247" height="397" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifRagOb05ndcEs2sHhRJSvNCjBCBGB2z6kUxN8tW_IsefgprgB4ChsNsCZdSUI9-Uexl-urq_dxxVED1PLBorYwNejvZbmq5QQFAxKAJDLQNY6ZSMVuTYqDJAyQqdFXCotBPjiLHCYJ8cK9XhHgWZnRUxAlECqB9U59jGAraURPKq2BGFDqER-2BWYj6I/w640-h397/oecd-fig-2.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><p>Beyond capital and jobs, FDI has made significant contributions to sustainable development in Southeast Asia. Significantly more foreign firms introduce new products and services than their domestic counterparts across most countries in Southeast Asia, and this greater innovation capacity suggests that there is potential for knowledge and technology to spill over to domestic firms. </p><p>Foreign firms are also more likely to offer training opportunities to their employees, and the gap between foreign and domestic firms is considerably larger in many member states than in the average OECD or non-OECD country, suggesting that foreign firms contribute disproportionately to on-the-job skills development in the region.</p><p>By employing larger shares of women in their workforces in most ASEAN member states, foreign firms can also help improve gender equality in the workplace. </p><p>Yet, some economies have benefited more than others, and the benefits of FDI have not been felt evenly across different parts of society.</p><p>While FDI creates jobs and contributes to upgrading skills and raising living standards, it can also create risks of irresponsible and unsustainable business practices and worsen income inequality, potentially leaving vulnerable segments of the population behind.</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKxq8gruS68WbHMdPfUA3clZkZwb9Iil1t97uhjDuhvj0K_lSTGR4EnPwXveqSgDJfwbi1_T72t3UmRKXhsy7L-Im8-l-Da4qZPqXjxTcTXUJHYX-Z07aL_XSUx744COf75Bbbm-7SsM_EbEe9Ug3bk2wt-ilfbYQMja0nmWlglqfRtrnmpV6HJX25wiA/s2242/oecd-fig-3.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1784" data-original-width="2242" height="510" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKxq8gruS68WbHMdPfUA3clZkZwb9Iil1t97uhjDuhvj0K_lSTGR4EnPwXveqSgDJfwbi1_T72t3UmRKXhsy7L-Im8-l-Da4qZPqXjxTcTXUJHYX-Z07aL_XSUx744COf75Bbbm-7SsM_EbEe9Ug3bk2wt-ilfbYQMja0nmWlglqfRtrnmpV6HJX25wiA/w640-h510/oecd-fig-3.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><br /><p>The contribution of FDI to green growth and decarbonization is not clear-cut. In Indonesia and Thailand, for example, FDI may be less aligned with national climate goals whereas in Viet Nam and the Philippines, the carbon footprint of FDI is lower than that of domestic investment. </p><p>FDI’s contribution to renewable energy capacity in Southeast Asia has also lagged behind that of other regions, and varies considerably across the region.</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitwjudwzjYQTvyAQXyDgEPwCfJhKuJ94q8Xjcnaqx0KPlCKPBg-tYqquZTly-6rz6xNV_-6G8dqElgwZS2GvRqJkIqXxmDD5XcP1Zjn-9zLuAgSU3jaobVL9arZgHKaWvKA4N7I_1XTh6wSaCJ8ivWaxj31_k06uwTBw28cIw68c8TlOTOR6e0PAhIBaE/s478/Report.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="478" data-original-width="340" height="255" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitwjudwzjYQTvyAQXyDgEPwCfJhKuJ94q8Xjcnaqx0KPlCKPBg-tYqquZTly-6rz6xNV_-6G8dqElgwZS2GvRqJkIqXxmDD5XcP1Zjn-9zLuAgSU3jaobVL9arZgHKaWvKA4N7I_1XTh6wSaCJ8ivWaxj31_k06uwTBw28cIw68c8TlOTOR6e0PAhIBaE/w182-h255/Report.jpg" width="182" /></a></div><br /><p><br /></p><p><br /></p><p><a href="https://investasean.asean.org/files/upload/OECD%20Report%20on%20Enabling%20Sustainable%20Investment%20in%20ASEAN.pdf"><b>Download the full report here</b></a></p><p><br /></p><p><br />...</p><p><b>Enabling sustainable investment in ASEAN </b>was prepared by the <a href="https://www.oecd.org/"><b>Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development</b></a> in close co-operation with the Services and Investment Division of the <b><a href="https://asean.org/">ASEAN Secretariat</a></b> and in consultation with the <b>ASEAN Co-ordinating Committee on Investment</b> (CCI). It was presented and discussed at the <b>OECD Investment Committee</b> on 19 October 2022 and at the 82nd ASEAN CCI meeting on 10 January 2023.</p><p>The report was prepared by a team comprising Alexandre de Crombrugghe, Iris Mantovani and Stephen Thomsen from the Investment Division and Nina Chitaia and Tuong-Dung Nguyen from the Centre for Responsible Business Conduct, all in the <b>OECD Directorate for Financial and Enterprise Affairs</b>.</p><p>Comments were received from Tihana Bule and Ana Novik. A research contribution was made by <b>AVSE Global</b>. Comments were received from several ASEAN Member States, as well as the ASEAN Secretariat which also provided co-ordination support.</p><p>The report was supported financially by the <b><a href="https://www.hinrichfoundation.com">Hinrich Foundation</a></b>, the <b>European Union</b> and the <b>Government of Japan</b>.</p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-70123310859419219502023-06-22T22:41:00.011+08:002023-06-22T22:46:05.649+08:00The United States is losing the multilateral economic game<p><i><span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: medium;">Is the ASEAN-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) doing more to promote digital and other trade than the USA's potentially unenforceable Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF)? Researchers <b>Ulfah Aulia</b> and <b>Sheila Alifia</b> suggest "viable benefits" for the Americans to bridge the gap.</span></i></p><p></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-so7j7vyYcV2ei8fyoI5D1BGWyrpJ4Skek5pzEEFxUthpC-Ym--rjwU5_ExkFpUIdw4PiV5vb7LFqJBmrJVnjtSz553fT7vk8KhFzIxa0wyRrQRnI5OKDwvoima62y_0MSDBzxpcSa4zB2dbw2-XcvA7yoA2oFBdB8kd6dOuBtcCPC1-bYsLZyxk5uK4/s594/Katherine%20Thai%202023-05-30T060157Z_1886464661_RC2571AVH6TK_RTRMADP_3_USA-EU-600x426%20(2).jpeg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="353" data-original-width="594" height="380" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-so7j7vyYcV2ei8fyoI5D1BGWyrpJ4Skek5pzEEFxUthpC-Ym--rjwU5_ExkFpUIdw4PiV5vb7LFqJBmrJVnjtSz553fT7vk8KhFzIxa0wyRrQRnI5OKDwvoima62y_0MSDBzxpcSa4zB2dbw2-XcvA7yoA2oFBdB8kd6dOuBtcCPC1-bYsLZyxk5uK4/w640-h380/Katherine%20Thai%202023-05-30T060157Z_1886464661_RC2571AVH6TK_RTRMADP_3_USA-EU-600x426%20(2).jpeg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-size: x-small;">US Trade Representative Katherine Tai addresses the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) meeting in Detroit, USA, on 27 May 2023</span></i></td></tr></tbody></table><p></p><p><br /></p><p style="background-color: white; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: inherit;"><span id="more-1907153"></span>DIGITAL TRADE has reduced the costs of engaging in international trade, facilitated the coordination of global value chains and connected a greater number of businesses and consumers globally. Digital technologies will undoubtedly create new products, services, markets and opportunities for business development. The United States and China have sought to capitalise on this growth potential, albeit with varying levels of success.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Digital economy contributes to more than <a href="https://www.itp.net/business/dco-2030-digital-economy-to-contribute-30-of-global-gdp-and-create-30-million-jobs-by-2030#per%20cent3A~per%20cent3Atextper%20cent3DAccordingper%20cent20toper%20cent20theper%20cent20Worldper%20cent20Bankper%20cent2CGDPper%20cent20ofper%20cent20theper%20cent20physicalper%20cent20world" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">15%</a> of global GDP according to the <b>World Bank</b> — much of this comes from digital trade, which spans from the trade of technological goods to <a href="https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/devel_e/digital_trade2022_e.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">digitally-enabled services</a>.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Recently, approaches to digital trade are diversifying, especially in China and the United States. Both have increased their influence in digital transformation through various economic frameworks, including the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF). RCEP is a thorough trade agreement that goes beyond trade liberalisation, including digital trade. The IPEF is also a substantial economic partnership that covers diverse sectors such as digital trade.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/05/23/fact-sheet-in-asia-president-biden-and-a-dozen-indo-pacific-partners-launch-the-indo-pacific-economic-framework-for-prosperity/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">IPEF</a> was initiated by the United States on 23 May 2022, inviting Australia, Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam to join the framework. The IPEF aims to define shared objectives around four pillars — trade, supply chains, clean economy and fair economy.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The trade pillar highlights the urgency of digital trade cooperation and aims to promote an <a href="https://ustr.gov/sites/default/files/2022-09/IPEFper%20cent20Pillarper%20cent201per%20cent20Ministerialper%20cent20Textper%20cent20(Tradeper%20cent20Pillar)_FORper%20cent20PUBLICper%20cent20RELEASEper%20cent20(1).pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">inclusive digital economy</a> by increasing access to the internet and information, facilitating digital trade, resolving discriminatory practices and enhancing the security and resiliency of digital infrastructure.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Through the IPEF, the United States differentiates itself from China’s <a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/indo-pacific-economic-framework-and-digital-trade-southeast-asia" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">data sovereignty</a> approach by encouraging free and open data flow. The IPEF <a href="https://sgp.fas.org/crs/misc/R44565.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">seeks to reduce</a> localisation requirements and limitations on cross-border data flows to promote more open digital trade. The IPEF further affirms its commitment to supporting reliable cross-border data flows, an inclusive digital economy with sustainable growth and responsible utilisation of emerging technologies — it is more extensive than RCEP.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">By contrast, as the largest trading bloc, <a href="https://www.eria.org/uploads/media/Books/2022-RCEP-Book1/13_Ch.9-Implications-RCEP-for-Asian-Regional-Architecture.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">RCEP</a> offers tariff adjustments, dispute settlement mechanisms and trade remedies that induce better cooperation and commitment to achieve common objectives. All <b>ASEAN </b>members and five external partners — Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand — have signed it.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">RCEP addresses digital trade as <a href="https://www.eria.org/uploads/media/Books/2022-RCEP-Book2/10_ch.6-RCEP-on-E-Commerce.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">electronic commerce</a>, referencing trade in traditional commodities delivered with the assistance of digital technologies. RCEP will <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2022/05/reassessing-rceps-implications-for-digital-trade-and-e-commerce/" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">create</a> digital economy opportunities by promoting cooperation in research and training activities, capacity building and empowering small and medium-sized enterprises to utilise e-commerce platforms. This is an important benefit as digital trade is relatively new in the global trade regime and most RCEP members need different levels of assistance for digital transformation.</span></p><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><b><span style="font-family: Merriweather, Georgia, serif;">"By asserting its influence in RCEP, China is expected </span><span style="font-family: Merriweather, Georgia, serif;">to contribute to the revitalisation of the digital trade regime in the Indo-Pacific region"</span></b></span></p></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">China plays a significant role in influencing the digital economy system for RCEP members. Its digital economy model has become the <a href="https://asiahouse.org/news-and-views/rceps-impact-on-digital-trade-the-focus-of-major-asia-house-dialogue/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">leader</a> in the Indo-Pacific region. Several major Chinese companies — including <b>WeChat</b> and <b>Alipay</b> — have pioneered cross-border payments and developed practices that others can emulate. China’s digital economy has also produced many business opportunities.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">By asserting its influence in RCEP, China is <a href="https://english.news.cn/20220907/9c3a91bf167f450db8cdc4febdbbe6cb/c.html#per%20cent3A~per%20cent3Atextper%20cent3DChinaper%20cent27sper%20cent20digitalper%20cent20tradeper%20cent20hasper%20cent20developedper%20cent2Creachper%20cent20359.69per%20cent20billionper%20cent20U.S.per%20cent20dollars" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">expected</a> to contribute to the revitalisation of the digital trade regime in the Indo-Pacific region. Because of China’s growing influence, the IPEF may have been created because of the Biden administration’s concern about its <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2022/06/will-ipef-help-the-us-counter-china/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">weakening influence</a> in Asia, rather than because of economic considerations.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">RCEP comes with a take-it-or-leave-it approach which obliges member states to comply with provisions outlined in the agreement. But in implementing e-commerce provisions, RCEP <a href="https://www.eria.org/uploads/media/Books/2022-RCEP-Book2/10_ch.6-RCEP-on-E-Commerce.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">respects</a> the national interests of member states to determine appropriate measures that suit their circumstances.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">In contrast, the IPEF adopts a flexible approach that allows member states to opt-out from any pillar they are not interested in, exemplified by India’s refusal to join <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/business/india-business/why-india-opted-out-of-joining-trade-pillar-of-ipef-for-now/articleshow/94106662.cms" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">Pillar 1</a> focused on trade. This renders some commitments of the framework unexecuted. If there is no guarantee that domestic reforms will be implemented equally, member states will be reluctant to initiate reformative steps, resulting in ineffective partnerships. <a href="https://ash.harvard.edu/indo-pacific-economic-framework-holds-value-itper%20centE2per%20cent80per%20cent99s-unclear-if-it-will-counter-chinaper%20centE2per%20cent80per%20cent99s-influence" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;">The lack of economic incentives</a> — including tariff adjustments — reduce the framework’s appeal to member states.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Regarding compliance mechanisms, RCEP members can resort to trade remedies and dispute settlement mechanisms. But RCEP’s e-commerce chapter does not fall under the jurisdiction of its dispute settlement mechanisms, making any disputes over interpretation and implementation subject to good faith negotiation. RCEP’s upcoming 5-yearly general review allows member states to re-evaluate whether these dispute mechanisms should apply to e-commerce-related disputes.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Yet the absence of dispute settlement mechanisms or other trade remedies in the IPEF signifies its unenforceability. It is undecided whether the IPEF will adopt a binding dispute settlement mechanism or any trade remedies. The IPEF does not offer tariff adjustments or traditional market access commitments, creating hesitation about whether the provisions will be enforceable. Trade agreements tend to be ineffective without retaliatory tariff measures as a deterrent — the absence of these aspects will only make it difficult for the IPEF to achieve its objectives.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The United States needs to put in more effort to counter China’s regional influence as the <a href="https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2022/04/09/the-high-stakes-indo-pacific-economic-framework/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;" target="_blank">IPEF</a> has not offered viable benefits such as tariff adjustments, <a href="https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2022/06/30/the-ipef-gains-momentum-but-lacks-market-access/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;" target="_blank">mutual market access</a>, capacity building and technical assistance in developing digital trade frameworks — all are present in <a href="https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2023/01/03/rcep-benefits-extend-beyond-economic-cooperation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: #ca2027; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.05s ease-in 0s;" target="_blank">RCEP</a>. The IPEF should discuss trade liberalisation, compliance mechanisms and tangible incentives to become a prominent economic framework.</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">...</span></p><p style="background-color: white; color: #333333; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><em><b>Ulfah Aulia</b> is a research assistant at the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA) based in Jakarta. </em><em><b>Sheila Alifia</b> is a non-affiliated researcher based in Jakarta.</em></span></p><p style="background-color: white; margin: 0.2em 0px 0.8em;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: inherit;"><i>Originally published by <a href="https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2023/06/17/the-united-states-is-losing-the-multilateral-economic-game/">East Asia Forum</a> and republished under a Creative Commons license.</i></span></p><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-77907994346715546412023-04-24T14:25:00.001+08:002023-04-24T14:25:00.167+08:00ASEAN: an economic powerhouse in need of more action – EU-ABC<p><i>The <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b>’ economic growth and development, "whilst very good”, writes <b>Chris Humphrey</b>, Executive Director of the <b>EU-ASEAN Business Council</b>, "is not as good as it should or could be”. Addressing an analogy by <b>Mr Arsjad Rasjid</b>, Chairman of the <b>ASEAN Business Advisory Council 2023</b>, Mr Humphrey outlines existing and new challenges that need to be dealt with and details the four key areas in which the EU-ABC and ASEAN BAC are “aligned in our approaches”.</i></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgzr__KHrltdb6797s244KybIL0GMf6oo-WUh-DRh56C2_JR1FNCTUtmorVhL_igTQALtB133U9EOq2dLfzxZhaTbMuvwaLzzTxl98vWKO-PCSLzgf4-DFwa6yPJvJPJWYpyeXKy2iEl9bPlEYcIFWPP2Cv-MtF_v8rVbiqbrTvMYQscxqcBuaY9iz/s1227/EU%20ASEAN%201.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="481" data-original-width="1227" height="250" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgzr__KHrltdb6797s244KybIL0GMf6oo-WUh-DRh56C2_JR1FNCTUtmorVhL_igTQALtB133U9EOq2dLfzxZhaTbMuvwaLzzTxl98vWKO-PCSLzgf4-DFwa6yPJvJPJWYpyeXKy2iEl9bPlEYcIFWPP2Cv-MtF_v8rVbiqbrTvMYQscxqcBuaY9iz/w640-h250/EU%20ASEAN%201.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">EU-ABC meeting with ASEAN BAC at the 2023 ASEAN Finance Ministers meeting</td></tr></tbody></table><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"> </span></div><p>IN A WORLD TROUBLED by economic uncertainties, geopolitical tensions, war, and increasing numbers of climate-change related disasters, Southeast Asia shines as a beacon of growth and hope. ASEAN has rebounded strongly from the pandemic: the region’s trade with the world has bounced back; FDI is flowing to Southeast Asia at record levels; and, GDP growth is at levels that much of the rest of the world can only dream about. </p><p>But ASEAN faces significant challenges, ones that need a whole of society effort to address. As Indonesia’s Finance Minister<b> Sri Mulyani Indrawati</b> said recently at the ASEAN Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors meeting: “Economic growth has and will always be the story of ASEAN. To ensure that this will be continuous, we must strengthen ASEAN's capacity to respond to the previous challenges, but most importantly the current and new challenges that we are all seeing today, and the expected challenges in the next twenty years.”</p><p>I recently read an analogy by <b>Pak Arsjad Rasjid</b>, the Chairman of the <b><a href="https://asean-bac.org/index.php/indonesia-chairmanship/">ASEAN Business Advisory Council</a></b>, in which the private sector was compared to a racehorse and the public sector its jockey. I echo his sentiment, but even the fastest, most nimble, and strongest thoroughbred will never win the race if it is handicapped by extra weight and a rider who is tugging at its reins.</p><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0 0 0 40px; padding: 0px;"><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">"Intra-ASEAN trade as a proportion of total trade is falling; customs procedures are still seen as overly burdensome and slow; non-tariff barriers to trade are not being removed, resulting in higher costs to consumers and businesses, a loss of innovation, and reduced competition"</span></p></blockquote></blockquote><p>Whilst ASEAN is undoubtedly in a good position, it has the potential to be so much better off. Looking back, the excellent and well thought through objectives of the various ASEAN Economic Blueprints have not been fully implemented, and indeed in many cases are far from being so. The result is that intra-ASEAN trade as a proportion of total trade is falling; customs procedures are still seen as overly burdensome and slow; non-tariff barriers to trade are not being removed, resulting in higher costs to consumers and businesses, a loss of innovation, and reduced competition. All of which means that economic growth and development, whilst very good, is not as good as it should or could be. </p><p>Meanwhile, there are new challenges that need to be dealt with. </p><p>ASEAN needs to act faster on developing digital skill sets, to better equip its citizens for an increasingly technological world. The region also needs to put in the place the right enabling environment to allow for the digital economy to flourish, allowing all parts of society to have access to it – this means better and smarter regulation, improving the digital infrastructure. The planned ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement takes on added importance in this area. Additionally, innovation from the private sector in developing new tools and digital services – helping the unbanked get banked, the uninsured to get insured, for example – needs to be accelerated. </p><p>On climate action and sustainability issues – there is a clear need to drive more sustainable finance to the region, to fund energy transition and energy efficiency, and to build infrastructure that are green and that can support clean technology. This will require changes in regulatory approaches, better project development and clearer definition by infrastructure owners, and financial institutions changing their approach and parameters. Efforts like the development of the second version of the ASEAN Taxonomy are welcomed, but there is a need to ensure complimentary between different taxonomies and greater simplification to allow private capital to flow to the region. </p><p>Southeast Asia is also facing becoming an aging society within the next 10 to 15 years - astonishing for a region that many of us think of as still being very young. This means that the provision of affordable healthcare becomes a leading concern for all countries. Increased focus on prevention (such as through vaccination programs, improved access to self-care) and on diagnostics (to help catch illnesses earlier and thus reduce treatment costs and times) are essential. Thankfully, these ideas are gaining traction. </p><p>And then there is issue of how to feed a growing region, improving the nutritional value of the food being produced, raising yields from farms to improve food security and help alleviate rural poverty, and doing so whilst not leading increased environmental degradation. Modern day farming techniques allow for this, with smart agricultural solutions. Again, regulators need to be more open in their approaches, and the private sector more forthcoming with the development of solutions. </p><p>The EU-ASEAN Business Council and ASEAN BAC are aligned in our approaches on these four key areas. Working together, and in collaboration with governments in the region and the ASEAN Secretariat, we can achieve positive outcomes for the benefit of everyone in ASEAN. </p><p>A just, equitable, and sustainable future is there to be had, but it requires true action; deeds not words; implementation and not leaving objectives gathering dust; the horse and jockey working in tandem, galloping in the same direction. Can it be achieved? It can, but only if the region works collectively, not individually. </p><p>…</p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvuWZseTPhaS6PvNAVcsVY3R04BIoSc0zyNcmOFlqIdhZCAhI3VtwP745EjfIs61CaOMrwlhaNZGnnNhvGwtv8ronSyMNAIAlyGVw2b_FygXQja3KrmR9_frBHZ9mx0HsrQNu77CnZg2JiSCq9hnsvZxrt-cLegJfkt1EDBksH5DQ03bQ4aovD1VA8/s4500/Chris%20Humphrey%202.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="4500" data-original-width="3000" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvuWZseTPhaS6PvNAVcsVY3R04BIoSc0zyNcmOFlqIdhZCAhI3VtwP745EjfIs61CaOMrwlhaNZGnnNhvGwtv8ronSyMNAIAlyGVw2b_FygXQja3KrmR9_frBHZ9mx0HsrQNu77CnZg2JiSCq9hnsvZxrt-cLegJfkt1EDBksH5DQ03bQ4aovD1VA8/s320/Chris%20Humphrey%202.jpg" width="213" /></a></div><b>Chris Humphrey</b> is a business development and government relations professional with over 20 years of experience of either working for or dealing with Governments and regulatory authorities, and has been running the EU-ASEAN Business Council in Singapore since its formal inception in 2014. He began in the UK Civil Service where, amongst other things, he was a Private Secretary to a Minister and an Air Services Trade Negotiator covering the Asia Pacific Region. In the private sector in Asia he has worked for leading airline and security and defence corporations, and also served on the Executive Committee of the British Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai.<br /><p></p><p>The <b><a href="https://www.eu-asean.eu/">EU-ASEAN Business Council</a></b> (EU-ABC) is the primary and sole voice for European business covering the ASEAN region. It is recognised by the <b>European Commission</b> and the <b>ASEAN Secretariat</b> and is an accredited entity under Annex 2 of the ASEAN Charter. Independent of both bodies, the Council has been established to help promote the interests of European businesses operating within ASEAN, and to advocate for changes in policies and regulations to boost trade and investment between Europe and the ASEAN region.</p><div><br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-60827235237761445332023-04-03T13:56:00.001+08:002023-04-03T13:56:18.079+08:00From Digital Transformation to Sustainable Development: The ASEAN Business Community's Vision for Southeast Asia<p><i>This year Indonesia chairs the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (<a href="https://asean.org/">ASEAN</a>), and the <b>Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry</b> leads the associated <b>ASEAN Business Advisory Council</b>. We are delighted to present the following commissioned overview by <b>Mr Arsjad Rasjid</b>, Chairman of <b>KADIN </b>and <b>ASEAN-BAC</b>, outlining their 2023 program's theme of '<b>ASEAN Centrality: Innovating toward Greater Inclusivity</b>' and highlighting its five priority issues and respective legacy projects - Geoffrey Gold, publisher. </i></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5LNjs4S989oZi3GPdOT-kLKbv-tVVcrTeeUwWShh1Bdrd5S14U6IfoluSADKjpp-b8Mk8mw69qfRQhYKItxq7hnuAdXtHc11tUrIRT4EwmgEkcQG4Sta8KI1EjPPB_aRHnxM2vEh9_-HAacu1Upf7S9fWcvTDQUMUDUyYwQL8vCwt7l-uWuEBFd6O/s1068/Asean%20Bac%201%20(2).jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="535" data-original-width="1068" height="321" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5LNjs4S989oZi3GPdOT-kLKbv-tVVcrTeeUwWShh1Bdrd5S14U6IfoluSADKjpp-b8Mk8mw69qfRQhYKItxq7hnuAdXtHc11tUrIRT4EwmgEkcQG4Sta8KI1EjPPB_aRHnxM2vEh9_-HAacu1Upf7S9fWcvTDQUMUDUyYwQL8vCwt7l-uWuEBFd6O/w640-h321/Asean%20Bac%201%20(2).jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>KADIN Chairman <span style="text-align: left;">Mr Arsjad Rasjid addressing the </span>ASEAN Business Advisory Council Chairmanship changeover ceremony in Jakarta on 30 January 2023</i></td></tr></tbody></table><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><p>The ASEAN region is home to some of the fastest-growing economies in the world, with a combined GDP of over $3 trillion and a population of over 650 million people. However, the region faces significant challenges, including economic disparities and poverty. Against this backdrop, Indonesia's adoption of the theme 'ASEAN Matters: Epicentrum of Growth'' for its ASEAN chairmanship in 2023 represents a bold statement of intent, highlighting ASEAN's importance in driving economic development within and beyond the region. </p><p>The ASEAN-Business Advisory Council's adoption of the theme "ASEAN Centrality: Innovating toward Greater Inclusivity'' builds on this idea, emphasising the importance of innovation and inclusivity in driving economic development. Taken together, these themes represent a powerful vision for Southeast Asia's future, one that is rooted in collaboration, cooperation, and innovation. ASEAN member states must work together to address geopolitical challenges and promote regional cooperation. </p><p>At the ASEAN-BAC, we believe that digital transformation can bridge the digital divide and promote sustainable development and that the business community must embrace sustainability. Towards this end, the ASEAN-BAC has identified five priority issues critical to the region's development, consisting of Digital Transformation, Sustainable Development, Health Resilience, Food Security and Trade and Investment.</p><blockquote style="text-align: left;"><p><b><span style="font-size: x-large;"> "Becoming a dynamic and prosperous region that benefits all its people, an epicentrum of growth"</span></b></p></blockquote><p style="text-align: left;">ASEAN centrality, which emphasises the importance of remaining neutral and inclusive, is the key to promoting peace and stability in the region. This is particularly important for businesses in the region, who rely on a stable business environment to operate effectively. Disruptions to trade and investment flows can have a significant impact on business operations and ultimately, on the economic growth and development of the region. By embracing ASEAN centrality, we can fully leverage the region's resources. </p><p>The region has a combined population of over 600 million people, a growing middle class, and abundant natural resources. These factors provide a strong foundation for economic growth and development. However, to fully realise these opportunities, ASEAN member states must work together to address the geopolitical challenges that threaten to derail their collective progress. </p><p>One key area where ASEAN can make a difference is in promoting regional integration and cooperation. By working together, ASEAN member states can create a more cohesive and interconnected region where businesses can thrive.</p><p><b><i> ASEAN-BAC's Call to Action</i></b></p><p>For the ASEAN-BAC, innovation and inclusivity are vital for sustainable development that benefits all ASEAN citizens. In today’s uncertain global environment, being innovative is particularly important to stay competitive, adapt to changing circumstances, and continuously create positive impact. Inclusivity, on the other hand, ensures that these benefits reach all segments of society, including those who are most vulnerable to economic shocks. </p><p>One key platform which helps overcome both is digital transformation. The pandemic saw digital technology play a crucial role in enabling businesses to continue operating during lockdowns and social distancing measures. However, many people in ASEAN still lack access to digital technology and infrastructure. </p><p>Inclusive policies that prioritise digital inclusion can help bridge this digital divide and ensure that everyone can participate in the digital economy. ASEAN-BAC’s Innovating toward Greater Inclusivity theme recognizes the importance of <b>public-private partnerships</b> in driving innovation and inclusive growth. The private sector has the skills, expertise, and resources necessary to develop innovative solutions, while the public sector can provide the regulatory environment necessary for businesses to operate and flourish.</p><p>Our second core message is simple: The business community must <b>embrace sustainability</b> as a core element of business strategy. We must work together with governments, civil society, and other stakeholders to promote sustainable development and protect the environment. The benefits of sustainable business practices are clear. They promote long-term growth, reduce risk, and improve the bottom line. </p><p>Sustainable businesses are more resilient, adaptable, and better positioned to seize opportunities in a rapidly changing environment. Thus, the ASEAN business community must support the sustainable development agenda, not only because it is ethical responsibility but also a business imperative which allows us to minimise risks, capitalise on opportunities, and contribute to the development of a more sustainable future.</p><p><b><i>ASEAN-BAC's Priorities for Regional Development</i></b></p><p>With the issue of digitalisation and sustainability in mind, I am pleased to announce our five priority issues and the respective legacy projects that we will be focusing on in the coming months.</p><p>Firstly, we will prioritise <b>Digital Transformation</b>. We believe that the responsible and ethical use of technology can transform the lives of ASEAN citizens, and we will be working tirelessly to promote digital literacy and skills across the region. Our initiatives will include the establishment of an <b>ASEAN QR code</b>, <b>Marketplace Lending Platforms</b>, and the launch of the <b>Wiki Entrepreneur</b> program. These programs aim to promote seamless trade and investment flows, equip entrepreneurs across ASEAN with digital skills and encourage private sector-led cooperation across Southeast Asia.</p><p>At ASEAN-BAC, we believe that <b>Sustainable Development</b>, the second ASEAN-BAC priority, is crucial for the future of ASEAN and that achieving this requires a concerted effort from all stakeholders. As part of this effort, we have introduced the <b>ASEAN Net Zero Hub</b>, a platform that will bring together experts and stakeholders to share knowledge and best practices on industrial decarbonization. In addition to the ASEAN Net Zero Hub, we are also establishing the <b>ASEAN Carbon Center of Excellence</b>, which will support the development of carbon markets and trading schemes in the region, incentivising businesses to reduce their emissions and contribute to a more sustainable future for ASEAN.</p><p>Thirdly, the <b>ASEAN One-Shot Campaign</b>, a legacy project under our <b>Health Resilience</b> priority, aims to establish a permanent regional vaccination program in ASEAN. The initiative is intended to enhance health resilience by strengthening the region’s capacity to respond to future pandemics and other health crises. Learning from the COVID-19 pandemic, we hope that the ASEAN One-Shot Campaign will provide a critical platform for the region to further develop and implement coordinated approaches to disease control and prevention, and to share information and best practices across borders for a healthier ASEAN.</p><p><b>Food Security</b>, the fourth ASEAN-BAC priority, is another critical issue which requires a collaborative effort from governments, businesses, and communities. That is why ASEAN-BAC is committed to curating and designing an impactful food security program based on an <b>inclusive closed-loop model for the agriculture sector</b>. The private sector must play a role in promoting sustainable agriculture practices, investing in agribusiness, and creating innovative solutions to address food insecurity. Thus, at ASEAN-BAC, we will work to facilitate public-private partnerships and support the development of innovative financing models to drive investment in the agriculture sector. By working together, we can ensure that everyone in ASEAN has access to safe, nutritious, and affordable food.</p><p>Under our <b>Trade and Investment</b> priority, ASEAN-BAC is committed to developing the <b>ASEAN Business Entity</b>, which strengthens intra-ASEAN investment by offering benefits to businesses doing business in the region. The ASEAN Business Entity will provide a platform for businesses to operate across borders seamlessly, streamlining and reducing regulatory barriers to create a more favourable business environment and benefiting businesses of all sizes, from large multinational corporations to small and medium-sized enterprises. The initiative is intended to create an interconnected commercial environment, opening up new opportunities for growth and expansion and boosting intra-ASEAN trade and investment.</p><p>...</p><p>In conclusion, Indonesia's ASEAN chairmanship is an honest gesture to bring tangible impacts to the<br /> region. We at ASEAN-BAC are in full support of this vision and have identified Digital Transformation, Sustainable Development, Health Resilience, Food Security and Trade and Investment as our priorities. </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi44ZqovYTlsgbQlrx2G454AXz0XBnCwOVaSRDYwwCnNZy2-fuPR0RY4-95AuvAADF8Q1WjoZIc3FkIQwm0Sy6kArMN5hOaW3d2SV4BP52-TD3Sk4giK2aqJKOXn6uwFyCky73fdn-xr9Gm5jYH_d-VFgk4TzUjM3ojyOwmlxCYau1fjYRZqdbl6oK9/s6263/Ketum_KDN_8586-Exposure%20copy%20(2).JPEG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="6263" data-original-width="3270" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi44ZqovYTlsgbQlrx2G454AXz0XBnCwOVaSRDYwwCnNZy2-fuPR0RY4-95AuvAADF8Q1WjoZIc3FkIQwm0Sy6kArMN5hOaW3d2SV4BP52-TD3Sk4giK2aqJKOXn6uwFyCky73fdn-xr9Gm5jYH_d-VFgk4TzUjM3ojyOwmlxCYau1fjYRZqdbl6oK9/w104-h200/Ketum_KDN_8586-Exposure%20copy%20(2).JPEG" width="104" /></a></div><p></p><p>Through the establishment of programs and initiatives such as the ASEAN QR code, ASEAN Net Zero Hub, Carbon Center of Excellence, ASEAN One-Shot Campaign, and the ASEAN Business Entity, we aim to create a cohesive and interconnected region driven by public-private partnerships which promote innovation and inclusive growth. </p><p>Thus, with a coordinated effort from all stakeholders including the private sector, I am convinced that ASEAN can achieve its goal of becoming a dynamic and prosperous region that benefits all its people, an epicentrum of growth.</p><p>...</p><p><b>Mr M. Arsjad Rasjid P. M</b>. is President Director of <b><a href="https://www.indikaenergy.co.id/">Indika Energy</a></b>, Chairman of the <b><a href="https://www.kadin-indonesia.com/">Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry</a></b> (KADIN), and Chairman of <b><a href="https://asean-bac.org/index.php/indonesia-chairmanship/">ASEAN Business Advisory Council 2023</a></b>.</p><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-33099766659753377272023-02-20T14:19:00.010+08:002023-03-30T14:49:07.621+08:00ASEAN geopolitics dominate the 2023 State of Southeast Asia Survey Report<p>THE 2023 edition of the <b>State of Southeast Asia Survey</b> conducted by the <b>ASEAN Studies Centre</b> at the <b>ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute</b> in Singapore reveals that Southeast Asia’s top preoccupations are with recessionary pressures, potential military tensions, and a "slow and ineffective" <b>Association of South East Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN). </p><p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgeUdHxpUWGcNxQiQz8OT7kEs6ZJ9mrp4XZi-7L5c3jOc197Kw4fOWN9Q5k_cA9xItQkGsZM61Bg8JtdBcTJw9_wfT9OoIclZDVGA7ES8Xo1czuSbeBMNB75ag6i-zTBPJUMFBT64VrV64_mQDxiDcUGG003Bx2mMgQeXNg7XWmrKlgXBSYYvIHRWfc/s1154/Asean%20fears%202023.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="678" data-original-width="1154" height="376" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgeUdHxpUWGcNxQiQz8OT7kEs6ZJ9mrp4XZi-7L5c3jOc197Kw4fOWN9Q5k_cA9xItQkGsZM61Bg8JtdBcTJw9_wfT9OoIclZDVGA7ES8Xo1czuSbeBMNB75ag6i-zTBPJUMFBT64VrV64_mQDxiDcUGG003Bx2mMgQeXNg7XWmrKlgXBSYYvIHRWfc/w640-h376/Asean%20fears%202023.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The Top three challenges facing Southeast Asia - State of Southeast Asia 2023 Survey</td></tr></tbody></table><br /></p><p>The People’s Republic of China (PRC) continues to be regarded as the most influential economic and political power in the region and the United States of America (USA) has sharpened its edge over the PRC in the event of a forced choice while Japan remains its most trusted major power.</p><p>The survey was conducted from 14 November 2022 to 6 January 2023 in English, Bahasa Indonesia, Khmer, Lao, Burmese, Thai and Vietnamese, gathering views from 1,308 respondents from academia, business, government, civil society and the media.</p><p>The fifth edition of this region-wide survey covers a broader and more diverse set of questions including the Russian invasion of Ukraine; tensions in the Taiwan Strait; ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus for Myanmar; Timor-Leste’s accession to ASEAN; the USA-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF); the PRC’s Global Security Initiative (GSI); the USA-PRC rivalry and its impact on Southeast Asia; levels of trust in the major powers; and indicators of soft power.</p><p>Coming out of the pandemic, unemployment and economic recession are billed as the region’s top challenges, followed by the severe impacts of climate change, the widening of socio-economic gaps and rising income disparity as well as potential military tensions. </p><p>A majority of respondents express concern over the Russian invasion of Ukraine and almost half fear that an outbreak of hostilities in the Taiwan Strait will destabilise the region. The survey also found that respondents are concerned that ASEAN remained ineffective in coping with political and economic developments, and that ASEAN may become an arena for major power competition.</p><p>The PRC remains the undisputed influential economic power in the region and also continues to be seen as the most influential political and strategic power, outpacing the US by significant albeit reduced margins compared to 2022. However, misgivings about the PRC’s influence also remain with around two-thirds of respondents expressing concern about the PRC’s influence.</p><p>On specific country-led initiatives such as the USA-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) or the PRC-led Global Security Initiative (GSI), the region preferred to sit on the fence with 41.8% of respondents expressing uncertainty about the IPEF and 44.5% saying that they had either little or no confidence in the benefits of the GSI. Two strong reasons for the uncertain attitudes towards the IPEF were the need to see what emerged from the negotiations (35.5%) and a complaint that there was little information available (27.2%). Of those who expressed poor confidence in the GSI, a third were concerned that USA-PRC tensions would increase, and another third feared that ASEAN would be forced to take sides. </p><p><b>Hypothetical alignment</b></p><p>A hypothetical forced question on who ASEAN should choose to align itself with, a higher proportion of respondents chose the USA over the PRC as compared to the findings in 2022.</p><p>With regard to moving the Myanmar situation forward, slightly more than a third want to see ASEAN engage actively in independent dialogue with all key stakeholders, including the shadow National Unity Government.</p><p>Japan remains the most trusted major power in terms of “doing the right thing” to provide global public goods, followed by the US and the EU. Japan also shines in the soft power domain in terms of tourism while the USA’s soft power continues to hold strong attraction in tertiary education.</p><p>Mr Choi Shing Kwok, Director and CEO of ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute and Head of the ASEAN Studies Centre, said the results reflect “heightened regional concerns about economic and geopolitical issues that can adversely affect the region’s interests in the short to medium term. They also show that the region remains open to both the US and China playing constructive roles and welcomes the presence of other major powers, while not discounting that ASEAN itself can exercise greater agency to direct its own future in a more challenging environment.”</p><p>The full 2023 survey findings (and previous editions) can <a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/The-State-of-SEA-2023-Final-Digital-V4-09-Feb-2023.pdf"><b>be freely downloaded here</b></a>.</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-z5KD9CmcWnkjn5Bn4-nWKlUDAkf3oULQqWk1hqOwaV94dyaDeO7poGVTjQjVS_4uRAU1YDWVSioetRAIkAk5-_eE9ddqm-Hh4W6LnjLALefiadYQIj4ACMM63pVfbb7awehY-AtiWuLGBYGegrCNGHStsI1c3Qlp3MAJnQvgmF_13U4VfICK3hX9/s298/SSEA-2023-Cover-210px.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="298" data-original-width="210" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-z5KD9CmcWnkjn5Bn4-nWKlUDAkf3oULQqWk1hqOwaV94dyaDeO7poGVTjQjVS_4uRAU1YDWVSioetRAIkAk5-_eE9ddqm-Hh4W6LnjLALefiadYQIj4ACMM63pVfbb7awehY-AtiWuLGBYGegrCNGHStsI1c3Qlp3MAJnQvgmF_13U4VfICK3hX9/w141-h200/SSEA-2023-Cover-210px.png" width="141" /></a></div><br /><p><br /></p><p><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-29617265324487855372023-01-11T19:32:00.004+08:002023-01-11T19:40:45.190+08:00Dr Kao Kim Hourn is the first Cambodian to be appointed ASEAN Secretary-General<p>We welcome <b>Dr Kao Kim Hourn</b> as the new Secretary-General of the important 10-member <a href="http://www.asean.org">Association of Southeast Asian Nations</a> for 2022-2027. The first Cambodian national to be appointed to ASEAN's top job, he succeeded Brunei’s <b>Lim Jock Hoi</b> on 1 January.</p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsGgHp2_l70mk4NmSl1uUcqlCVhrahMH2GAiXam19KdW4eDAD56Ktp5relfmGY2txFczZFAHP9Kt7pKvzUco0cUD3gtHupD5UaNrviaH3Yb6w3cIiDFMATCAi10zjNiPi-yfZMuQpWMLcYwCK2LOCxf3z4OSjTB7NdGkhw_VbtGD0NF-v_KP5TjKR8/s898/ASEAN%20SG2.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="649" data-original-width="898" height="462" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsGgHp2_l70mk4NmSl1uUcqlCVhrahMH2GAiXam19KdW4eDAD56Ktp5relfmGY2txFczZFAHP9Kt7pKvzUco0cUD3gtHupD5UaNrviaH3Yb6w3cIiDFMATCAi10zjNiPi-yfZMuQpWMLcYwCK2LOCxf3z4OSjTB7NdGkhw_VbtGD0NF-v_KP5TjKR8/w640-h462/ASEAN%20SG2.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Dr Kao Kim Hourn, the new Secretary-General of the important 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (2022-2027), is the first Cambodian to occupy the office.</td></tr></tbody></table><br /><p>In his inaugural speech as Secretary-General, Dr Kao stressed, “It is important that ASEAN should continue to give key priorities to what I considered as the Six P’s: peace, prosperity, planet, people, partnerships, and potentials.”</p><p>He added, “ASEAN has always been at its very best when it works together collectively in the spirit of unity and solidarity, whether that be among its Member States or with its external partners. I am confident that if we stand united, act collectively and positively, and look after one another in the true spirit of amity and cooperation, there is nothing that ASEAN cannot achieve.”</p><p>While Dr Kao's recently served as a two-term Minister Delegate attached to the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, his professional career has focused on strengthening Cambodia’s international relations particularly in ASEAN, driving policy advocacy, and promoting research and education.</p><p>Following his education in the USA - he received a Doctoral degree in Political Science from the <b>University of Hawaii at Manoa</b>, two Master’s degrees from <b>Ohio University</b>, and a Bachelor’s degree from <b>Baylor University</b> - he returned to Cambodia in January 1993 to run a think-tank dedicated to ASEAN and international affairs. and played a key role in Cambodia’s acceptance into the regional organization in 1999. </p><p>He established <b>The University of Cambodia</b> in 2003, which now boasts over 20,000 alumni, founded two additional think-tanks, and was co-founder of Cambodia's <b>Southeast Asia Television and Radio</b> network.</p><p>He is a Member of Cambodia's <b>Supreme National Economic Council</b>, a Senior Fellow at the <b>Jeffrey Cheah Institute on Southeast Asia</b>, and a Member of the <b>Global Council of The Asia Society</b>. He serves as a Member of the Board of Directors for the <b>Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace</b> as well as for the <b>Worldwide Support for Development.</b> He also has acted as a Member of the Standing Committee of the <b>Cambodian Red Cross</b>. </p><p>He is married with two adult children who live in Phnom Penh.</p><p>#asean #cambodia #southeastasia #southchinasea #internationalsecurity #internationalbusiness #internationalaffairs #internationalrelations #internationaltrade </p><div><br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-90082790252830386602021-11-06T18:18:00.030+08:002022-02-26T18:28:04.792+08:00The ASEAN-led Regional Comprenesive Economic Parnership (RCEP) comes into force on 1 January 2022<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjGe9ZRupIgE88gY_xEP3BcKXMkCLUxpJRxgKGDI7A-g3hAbK6T0lXA8_6cYH9tqLVy62ikQqrNRLd6A9pa1s4H-PGtOaqUT7ASpx3TJTxZuxFH7DRRg5q9m8-ydB2Hxgz2L1RUHJLJEIKqoR6VXqyxQWKYJmonsGmOT62N6vR9jLvSYidjDenz0egN=s1140" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="475" data-original-width="1140" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjGe9ZRupIgE88gY_xEP3BcKXMkCLUxpJRxgKGDI7A-g3hAbK6T0lXA8_6cYH9tqLVy62ikQqrNRLd6A9pa1s4H-PGtOaqUT7ASpx3TJTxZuxFH7DRRg5q9m8-ydB2Hxgz2L1RUHJLJEIKqoR6VXqyxQWKYJmonsGmOT62N6vR9jLvSYidjDenz0egN=w640-h266" width="640" /></a></div><br />
<p>As of 2 November 2021, the <b><a href="https://asean.org/">ASEAN Secretariat</a></b> in Jakarta had received Instruments of Ratification/Acceptance from six members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations – Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam – as well as from four non-ASEAN signatory States – Australia, China, Japan and New Zealand, for the <a href="https://rcepsec.org/">Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)</a> agreement.</p><p>As provided by the Agreement, RCEP will enter into force 60 days after the date at which the minimum number of IOR/A is achieved. This means that the RCEP Agreement shall enter into force on 1 January 2022.<br /><br />“The expeditious ratification process by signatory States is a true reflection of our strong commitment to a fair and open multilateral trading system for the benefit of the people in the region and the world. <br /><br />The implementation of the RCEP Agreement starting 1 January next year will give tremendous boost to the post COVID-19 economic recovery efforts,” the Secretary-General of ASEAN, <b>Dato Lim Jock Hoi</b> said.<br /><br />According to the ASEAN Secretariat, preparatory work for the entry into force of RCEP will continue by signatory States "to lay a solid ground for the full and effective implementation of the Agreement through finalisation of the technical and institutional aspects of the Agreement".<br /><br />#internationaltrade</p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-41922169536277511082021-04-09T19:33:00.001+08:002022-02-26T18:42:59.045+08:00A harmonised approach to testing standards and vaccines passport is key to ASEAN's swift recovery<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhgMmc0JbRn00yQ-7-B3Wr_ReTVtxjkSmCoSwqoK0eKuSD9Lmg6ZIUhjqWnyDGsFgeQP_05wHVbtTwlqjS7Ke0RzAqBadsAftdXGjpm6RuRI6_LTBDzcXBAmJXN5NSlfs6WspN9JIhgnOlTvbw9eEt6vhaEbWrE_QCc5CAf_8Tj8yV-tFwnKA47czn1=s1249" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="709" data-original-width="1249" height="364" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhgMmc0JbRn00yQ-7-B3Wr_ReTVtxjkSmCoSwqoK0eKuSD9Lmg6ZIUhjqWnyDGsFgeQP_05wHVbtTwlqjS7Ke0RzAqBadsAftdXGjpm6RuRI6_LTBDzcXBAmJXN5NSlfs6WspN9JIhgnOlTvbw9eEt6vhaEbWrE_QCc5CAf_8Tj8yV-tFwnKA47czn1=w640-h364" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><span class="d2edcug0 hpfvmrgz qv66sw1b c1et5uql lr9zc1uh a8c37x1j fe6kdd0r mau55g9w c8b282yb keod5gw0 nxhoafnm aigsh9s9 d3f4x2em iv3no6db jq4qci2q a3bd9o3v b1v8xokw oo9gr5id hzawbc8m" dir="auto">ASEAN Healthcare Webinar 2021 by CARI and ASEAN Business Advisory Council - Malaysia</span></i></span></td></tr></tbody></table><br /><p></p><p><b><a href="https://www.cariasean.org/">CARI ASEAN Research and Advocacy</a></b>, in partnership with <b>ASEAN BAC Malaysia</b>, hosted the “ASEAN Healthcare Webinar: COVID-19 Vaccine rollout and the recovery of the ASEAN economy” to discuss issues faced by ASEAN, and particularly ASEAN and Malaysia’s effort to inoculate its peoples and navigating policy challenges before, during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. <br /><br />The session featured the <b>Hon Khairy Jamaluddin</b>, Malaysia's Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation who is also the coordinating minister for Malaysia's national COVID-19 immunisation program, as well as independent health policies specialist <b>Dr Khor Swee Kheng</b>. <br /><br />Moderated by <b>Dr Munir Majid,</b> Chairman of CARI, the webinar was organised as a follow-up to the healthcare sector-related recommendations captured in a policy document named “A Pathway Towards Recovery And Hope For ASEAN” Or “Pathway 225” produced in 2020 by CARI as the knowledge partner for the ASEAN Business Advisory Council and Joint Business Councils. <br /><br />The report contained 225 recommendations aimed to coordinate efforts to help ASEAN business recover and was recognised by the ASEAN Leaders.<br /><br /><i>Economic recovery is dependent on a successful vaccination program</i><br /><br />In his keynote presentation, Minister Jamaluddin shared that we have seen evidence of successful results from the immunisation program in several countries. This shows that a successful immunisation program leads to the opening and speedy recovery of the economy. <br /><br />The ongoing rollout of vaccinations among ASEAN countries is showing positive signs. The World Bank forecasts Malaysia’s economy to grow by 6% in 2021 after contracting by 5.8% in 2020, premised on the effective roll-out of a vaccination program, continued improvements in exports and a build-up in momentum, particularly in consumption and investment.<br /><br />The Philippines projects a growth range of 6.5% to 7.5% in 2021, as the economy reopens further and vaccinations begin. In Indonesia, sectors with high overseas demand have partially recovered due to a rebound in commodity prices and expect GDP to grow between 4.5% and 5.5%. Singapore expects its forecast of GDP growth of 4% to 6% for 2021 and has urged businesses to have meetings in the country's COVID-19-free bubbles as part of its effort in re-opening travel into the country.<br /><br />Globally, the <b>World Bank</b> projects the global economy to expand by 4% in 2021 where vaccine deployment and investment are key to sustaining the recovery. <br /><br />With regards to the digital health certificate or passport, the Minister said the <b>World Health Organization</b> (WHO) had, on 19 March 2021, issued an early guideline to suggest the principles, technology enhancement as well as the role of respective agencies that is required to create a vaccination certificate. <br /><br />Malaysia, through Malaysia Airlines, has begun discussing with the <b>International Air Transport Association</b> (IATA)to allow our vaccination certificate that is currently pushed through the <b>MySejahtera</b> app to be accepted internationally.<br /> <br />“Malaysia has also begun discussions with Singapore and China with regards to travel bubbles as there are more than 450,000 people that frequent the Selat Johor border and the second link bridge daily to and from Singapore and given that China is our biggest trade partner the past 12 years with a total trade amount of RM316 billion in 2019,” he added.<br /><i><br />ASEAN cooperation in vaccine rollout: more needs to be done </i><br /><br />Dr Munir concurred with the viewpoint but opined that the vaccines offer more than just a chink of light as evidence of immunity however hotly debated. Nevertheless, the government must also, concurrently make self-testing equipment available to individual citizens to give the confidence and trust that will allow the further opening up of economies and the movement of people.<br /><br />“We have been talking about regulatory harmonization in ASEAN for the longest time. Now, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, harmonization in respect of accepted vaccine passports and virus test results is critical for the opening up of economies and movement of people. As never before, ASEAN must act together,” he urged.<br /><br />Dr Munir noted that the minister has a thankless task as the supremo in the sourcing, distribution and administering of the COVID-19 vaccines: <br /><br />“If the roll-out goes smoothly it will be regarded as something to be expected. If it goes wrong, from unfulfilled supplies, globally uneven distribution and unfair administering of the jabs, all hell will break loose. He is being severely tested. For reasons over and above public health and economic recovery, for the sake of Malaysia, I hope he succeeds.”<br /><br /><a href="https://www.facebook.com/cariasean/videos/293720949000760"><b>View the full session here</b></a><b>.</b></p><p><b> </b></p><p><b> </b></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-43784645230084314082021-03-17T18:45:00.001+08:002022-02-26T18:57:35.975+08:00ADB expects the RCEP and CPTPP trade deals to bring US$ 333 billion economic gain by 2030<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgiUFqZyhFqgW6yZqqhsS90lk0XomducD7mVw15O34T8AkHprClg2m6xN4yy4x86Sz88sY2RGOhFNjsytSrGGg-_r0vUj1sUlRZO-4cORC8zFsYUCvaxdoIx2PoVZQSvQVVR6dGZaMJpUzlOs08T0drI6ivmCkKq3e5stxc1r1sICE5GVqwfuGbyJSy=s748" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="502" data-original-width="748" height="430" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgiUFqZyhFqgW6yZqqhsS90lk0XomducD7mVw15O34T8AkHprClg2m6xN4yy4x86Sz88sY2RGOhFNjsytSrGGg-_r0vUj1sUlRZO-4cORC8zFsYUCvaxdoIx2PoVZQSvQVVR6dGZaMJpUzlOs08T0drI6ivmCkKq3e5stxc1r1sICE5GVqwfuGbyJSy=w640-h430" width="640" /></a></div><br /> News of China ratifying the <a href="https://asean.org/"><b>ASEAN</b></a>-led <a href="https://rcepsec.org/"><b>Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)</b></a> coincides with the UK's application to join the <b><a href="https://www.dfat.gov.au/trade/agreements/in-force/cptpp/comprehensive-and-progressive-agreement-for-trans-pacific-partnership">Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)</a></b> as the <a href="https://www.adb.org/"><b>Asian Development Bank</b></a> expects the two massive Asia-Pacific-centered trade deals to bring a total of US$333 billion economic gain by 2030:<br /><br />The pandemic outbreak in 2020 disrupted both supply and demand sides of an interconnected world economy. Asia and the Pacific was not immune as lockdowns and travel and trade restrictions affected nearly all aspects of cross-border economic activity. <br /><br />The ADB's Asian Economic Integration Report 2021 looks at how regional economies individually or collectively have responded to the crisis by, for example, leveraging rapid technological progress and digitalisation as well as increasing services trade to reconnect and recover. <br /><br />Importantly it covers the world's two newest and among the biggest trade deals - the RCEP and CPTPP - which are expected to bring a total of US$333 billion economic gain by 2030. <br /><br />The 15 nations in the RCEP account for 29% of global GDP, 25% of global trade, and a population of 2.3 billion, while the 11 nations in the CPTPP account for 13% of global GDP, 14% of global trade, and a population of 507.7 million. <br /><br />The ADB report found that while both are mega-trade deals, their breadth and depth are different. Overall, the degree of liberalisation within RCEP is not as deep as in the CPTPP, and the coverage is less comprehensive. RCEP is expected to spur renewed momentum for intraregional trade and strengthen value chains among the +3 countries - China, Japan, and South Korea - as well as between them and other members. <br /><br />While RCEP is the first FTA covering the +3, at the same time it is also the first to include two of the world’s three largest economies. Unlike the CPTPP, RCEP does not include provisions to harmonise regulatory standards on the environment or labour markets. <br /><br /><a href="https://www.cariasean.org/">CARI ASEAN Research and Advocacy</a> has highlighted the report's estimate that CPTPP will increase world real income by US$147 billion by 2030 with RCEP adding US$186 billion. RCEP members are projected to gain US$174 billion in real income by 2030, equivalent to 0.4% of members’ aggregate GDP. The +3 countries will benefit the most, with likely gains of US$85 billion for China, US$48 billion for Japan, and US$23 billion for South Korea. <br /><br />Other significant RCEP gains will accrue to Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam. RCEP will also create sizable new trade among the +3 countries.<br /><br /><i><a href="https://www.adb.org/publications/asian-economic-integration-report-2021">Free download of the full report or executive highlights here</a></i><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-34792580084408986412016-10-08T15:13:00.000+08:002016-10-08T15:13:34.277+08:00SMEs need their own regional strategic plan covering the ASEAN single market<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>Recognising the considerable progress that the member countries of the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> have made towards an <b>AEC </b>single-market, single-production base, H.E<b>. Suh Jeong-in, </b>South Korea's<b> </b>Ambassador to ASEAN, warns that once borders open up, fierce competition from every direction, including multinationals, is simply inescapable. To boost preparedness and opportunities for Southeast Asia's micro and small-medium enterprises, he recommends their preparation of a strategic plan to cover the emerging regional market.</i></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7WkeZerfvosBP98OGjy3wnMqo4U9Yv2AKmIGrRXgFyXyHlV2CJ0iXwBYZ_bMcG_GDaq1qDWYiN7xO_acmOuVOoiHAGh_c7W8sDBDJnZgm9T3KKkK-yIJkc1VsGJ0qQrIpNN4OQeHCrMM/s1600/South+Korea2.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="273" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7WkeZerfvosBP98OGjy3wnMqo4U9Yv2AKmIGrRXgFyXyHlV2CJ0iXwBYZ_bMcG_GDaq1qDWYiN7xO_acmOuVOoiHAGh_c7W8sDBDJnZgm9T3KKkK-yIJkc1VsGJ0qQrIpNN4OQeHCrMM/s400/South+Korea2.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">H.E. </span><i><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>Suh Jeong-in, </b>South Korea's<b> </b>Ambassador to ASEAN (right) with <b>Geoffrey Gold</b>, CEO, Asean Strategic</span></i></td></tr>
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IN EARLY AUGUST, I took a trip from Khon Kaen in Thailand to the border of Laos. It took four hours to drive across this East-West Economic Corridor. Driving eastward, I arrived at the Special Economic Zone in Savannakhet, where I saw a <b>Nikon </b>factory.<br />
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Thailand used to be the single largest producer for Nikon cameras in <b>ASEAN</b>. Since 2014, however, Nikon has diversified its operations by expanding its manufacturing line to Savannakhet.<br />
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I would say seamless logistic movements and lower trade barriers made this possible.<br />
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The drive from Thailand to Laos gave me ample opportunity to reflect on the tangible achievements by the <b>ASEAN Economic Community</b> (AEC), which can be seen in daily life.<br />
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Despite the criticism by some sceptics on the snail-pace integration of ASEAN and the consensus-based decision-making process, ASEAN has made real and steadfast progress in its own unique way.<br />
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The regional organization, founded in 1967, has transformed itself into a deeply integrated region, a “community” per se.<br />
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Considering how global economies have underperformed since 2008, most notably China’s slowdown and the Brexit in June, our inclination is to be rather pessimistic when it comes to regional integration or integration in general.<br />
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Despite all these gloomy occurrences, I think ASEAN deserves a hearty applause as it has shown some pretty great progress. Savannakhet is indeed a good demonstration of the AEC’s true benefits.<br />
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What I see from Savannakhet is how the region strives to achieve robust and innovative integration, moving toward a single-market, single-production base.<br />
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The AEC has lowered tariffs to almost zero. Although some challenges remain, I believe that ASEAN has pushed forward in opening up the service market and reducing non-tariff barriers.<br />
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<b>As ASEAN inches closer toward its ultimate goal of a highly integrated market and production base, its production mode and market strategy will also gradually transform.</b><br />
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Facing this unavoidable change, the question I ask is how businesses in ASEAN might react to this momentous change.<br />
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I strongly believe that it is time for the ASEAN business community to prepare for a regional strategic plan to cover the ASEAN market. The business community needs to bear in mind that a country-specific approach will likely lead to more competition.<br />
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This is because multinational companies will target, penetrate and implement their vigorous market strategies in each ASEAN member state, as well as in ASEAN itself. If ASEAN businesses neglect this aspect, they may eventually lose in the market share.<br />
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Once borders open up, fierce competition from every direction is simply inescapable.<br />
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Nevertheless, the ASEAN business community need not get cold feet before the real market competition. There are lessons from the past that can serve as valuable reference points for ASEAN.<br />
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First, <b>Procter and Gamble</b> (P&G) is known for producing and selling a number of consumer goods, from sanitary items to snacks. In attracting different levels of ASEAN consumers, P&G developed and marketed three kinds of shampoos across ASEAN: a high-quality brand in top cities across the region, a mid-brand and a low-cost version sold in disposable sachets.<br />
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What they took note of was the different income levels among various ASEAN cities and villages. Since ASEAN economies have been more industry-driven, cities in the region are larger in scale and population. Urbanization and the changing consumption trends are the main denominators for P&G’s ASEAN market strategy.<br />
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Second,<b> Lotte Mart </b>launched its business in Indonesia a few years ago. Lotte sells various consumer goods that are affordable, targeting middle-income consumers.To fill its shelves, Lotte has made contracts with various Indonesian manufacturers. As AEC continues to gain momentum in every region, Lotte may accommodate more suppliers from other countries.<br />
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<b>I believe these examples are not only relevant to multinational companies, but also to micro and small-medium enterprises (SMEs).</b><br />
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Since SMEs are the backbone of the ASEAN economy, strategy to bolster SMEs is vital for sustainable and inclusive growth.<br />
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At the moment, ASEAN SMEs may feel greater pressure due to limited access to information and resources. This may hold them back from venturing out further.<br />
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However, if micro enterprises and SMEs are able to formulate their own ASEAN regional strategy like the examples illustrated earlier, the AEC will prove to be a lucrative market with the opportunities to level up business higher than before.<br />
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The AEC can be a double-edged sword for ASEAN micro enterprises and SMEs. Nevertheless, they should not shrink inward, but spread their wings to fly higher as they seek more opportunities embedded within every turn in this aspiring region.<br />
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Pushing ahead to 2025, I hope these enterprises will prosper in the people-oriented, people-centered ASEAN. As they strengthen, ASEAN would be poised for growth in both the region and the world.<br />
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His Excellency <b>Suh Jeong-in</b> has served as the Ambassador of the Republic of Korea to ASEAN since May 2015. Prior to this post, he served as Director-General for Southeast Asian and the Pacific affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was also posted at Korean Embassies to Indonesia, Australia, Japan and Thailand. He has worked for ASEAN affairs for more than 20 years. He read his Master of Arts at Elliott School of International Affairs of the <b>George Washington University</b> in the United States of America. For his diplomacy service, he was awarded with 'Order to Service Merit (Red Stripe)' by the Korean Government. This article was first published by <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/">The Jakarta Post</a>.<br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-54274764483182559682016-09-22T15:23:00.000+08:002016-09-22T15:47:10.888+08:00ASEAN's goal of winning 'war on drugs' by 2020 and disregard for human life<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>In their pursuit of narcotics-free societies, some ASEAN governments are carrying out harsh <span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">measures, including </span> capital punishment. However <b>Asmin Fransiska</b>, Lecturer in Human Rights, at <b>Atma Jaya Catholic University</b> of Indonesia, warns that the ASEAN Vision of freeing the region from illicit drugs by 2020 is unrealistic.</i></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>Both Philippines' <b>Rodrigo Duterte</b> and Indonesia's <b>Joko Widodo</b> in their presidential campaigns promised to eliminate corruption. <span style="color: #999999;">Reuters/Beawiharta</span> </i></td></tr>
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FOUR YEARS AGO member states of the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> adopted the <b><a href="http://www.asean.org/storage/images/ASEAN_RTK_2014/6_AHRD_Booklet.pdf">ASEAN Human Rights Declaration</a></b>. Yet today the region is seeing a worrying backward trend in human rights protection in the name of a “war on drugs”.</div>
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In the Philippines, civilian death squads and the police have murdered <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2016/08/philippines-death-toll-duterte-war-drugs-160825115400719.html">more than 2,000 people</a> since <b>Rodrigo Duterte</b> became president in July. He encouraged the assassinations in the name of the war on drugs and <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/18/world/asia/rodrigo-duterte-philippines.html">had promised 100,000 would be killed</a>.</div>
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In Indonesia, in the first two years of his presidency, <b>Joko “Jokowi” Widodo</b> has ordered three waves of mass execution so far, killing 18 people, mostly death row inmates charged for drug offences. They received their death sentences under a corrupt judicial system. Many were sentenced without the <a href="https://theconversation.com/indonesia-must-investigate-claims-of-corruption-in-execution-cases-40963">minimum procedural and evidential guarantees</a> required for fair trials.</div>
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The ASEAN Human Rights Declaration says that member states affirm all the civil and political rights in the <b><a href="http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/">Universal Declaration of Human Rights</a></b>. Article 11 of the ASEAN Declaration reads: "Every person has an inherent right to life, which shall be protected by law." </div>
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The grouping has been silent about the blatant disregard for human lives shown by the Philippines and Indonesia. And this silence will become even more deafening as ASEAN recently appointed Duterte as its chairman for 2017.</div>
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Duterte’s appointment signals that despite the region’s adoption of a human rights instrument, countries continue to be reluctant to ensure rights protection in the region and continue to treat human rights as a domestic issue.</div>
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<b>ASEAN’s unrealistic ‘drug-free’ goal </b></div>
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In their presidential campaigns, both Duterte and Jokowi promised to eliminate corruption. Both are carrying out harsh anti-drug measures, albeit in different degrees.</div>
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Nevertheless, it’s doubtful that either leader will succeed in eliminating drugs or corruption in their countries. The illegal drug trade and drug use are only symptoms of a bigger problem. Both countries have a weak rule of law and the policies of both presidents exacerbate the problem.</div>
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ASEAN’s silence on the harsh anti-drug measures is also rooted in the unrealistic goal of creating a drug-free environment, which is enshrined in the ASEAN Charter signed by member states in 2007.<br />
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In their <b><a href="http://asean.org/?static_post=asean-vision-2020">ASEAN Vision 2020</a></b> document, member states aim to free the region from illicit drugs by 2020.</div>
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Some government officials of member states have acknowledged the goal is unrealistic. Thailand’s justice minister has said the eradication of illegal drugs <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2015/08/drug-free-asean-by-2015/">is counterproductive</a> as it creates systemic corruption in law enforcement institutions and results in overcrowding in prisons. The Malaysian government also describes this goal as an illusion.</div>
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The drug-free society narrative has created an unbalanced intervention which heavily focuses on the criminal justice system while neglecting public health measures.</div>
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<b>How can we fix this?</b> </div>
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ASEAN drug policy should be overhauled. The number of drug seizures and people executed should not be indicators of success. With the current law-enforcement approach, drug production, processing, trafficking and use <a href="https://www.unodc.org/doc/wdr2016/WORLD_DRUG_REPORT_2016_web.pdf">continue</a> in the region.</div>
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ASEAN member states allocate huge budgets to eliminate drug trafficking. Indonesia, for example, has <a href="https://www.unodc.org/documents/southeastasiaandpacific/indonesia/publication/Country_Programme_Indonesia.pdf">spent more than US$27 million</a> to combat international organised crime between 2012 and 2015.</div>
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The <b>Indonesia Narcotics Agency</b> states that it has a budget of <a href="http://www.bnn.go.id/_multimedia/document/20160311/laporan_kinerja_bnn_2015-20160311155058.pdf">more than US$100 million in 2015</a>. But the large budget that funds these operations goes to waste as Indonesia remains the place where amphetamine-type drugs are <a href="https://www.unodc.org/documents/southeastasiaandpacific/indonesia/publication/Country_Programme_Indonesia.pd">produced and trafficked</a> to meet growing
demand for crystalline methamphetamine and ecstasy (MDMA) across the region.</div>
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Evidence shows decriminalisation and a focus public health approach, <a href="https://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/DPA_Fact_Sheet_Portugal_Decriminalization_Feb2015.pdf">such as in Portugal</a>, reduces illicit drug consumption in society. But there is no evidence showing that violence and law enforcement approach does the same.</div>
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Through criminalisation, certain types of drugs and distribution will disappear, but other drug types and new methods of drug trafficking will appear.</div>
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It is important to position the problem of drug use as a social and health issue. Governments should focus on solving social problems such as poverty and unemployment.</div>
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Governments should be serious about tackling corruption in the bureaucracy and criminal justice system. And, most importantly, in the effort to protect people from the effects of drug dependence, they should prioritise harm reduction over law enforcement.</div>
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The illicit drug market will continue to flourish where the rule of law is weak and where torture and violence are happening in people’s daily lives. The arbitrary executions will help cover up the real networks of the illicit drug market, which are run by large dark syndicates, not by the poor drug mules and dealers in the street level.</div>
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Ending the crime and not people’s lives is the whole issue ASEAN has failed to see.</div>
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This silence should not be condoned. It is time for ASEAN to re-interpret the principle of non-intervention when it fails to protect their main subjects: “WE, THE PEOPLES”, as it states in the preamble of its charter.</div>
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<i><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/asmin-fransiska-154817">Asmin Fransiska</a> is a Lecturer in Human Rights at <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/atma-jaya-catholic-university-of-indonesia-1559">Atma Jaya Catholic University of Indonesia.</a> This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/asean-goal-to-eradicate-drugs-in-the-region-leads-to-disregard-for-human-life-63071">original article</a>.</i><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-38471002752666174552016-09-16T16:25:00.001+08:002016-09-16T16:25:37.055+08:00ASEAN streamlines and prioritises tasks for next phase of regional connectivity <div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>As the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN) “kicks-in” the next phase of regional connectivity by concentrating on five strategic area, <b>Ms Sanchita Basu Das</b>, a Fellow at the <b>ASEAN Studies Centre</b>, ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute, identifies </i><i><i>several reasons why </i>the <b>Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity 2025</b> is noteworthy</i>:<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgUQ8zSmT3qE1xFsaLgNgI5bskcAua6EBKfp_lwhGZg7q3yN1ZXLKNzDY4wYUNs1nAupMWJXNkcPNxpniSasw3OcPLa4pdxe4q8BX5B5FiviEELCtl0r-PBOoc6ew40VswxOWRxGM-2JIo/s1600/Sanchita+Basu+Das+CLIPPED.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" border="0" height="293" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgUQ8zSmT3qE1xFsaLgNgI5bskcAua6EBKfp_lwhGZg7q3yN1ZXLKNzDY4wYUNs1nAupMWJXNkcPNxpniSasw3OcPLa4pdxe4q8BX5B5FiviEELCtl0r-PBOoc6ew40VswxOWRxGM-2JIo/s400/Sanchita+Basu+Das+CLIPPED.JPG" title="Photo courtesy of Sanchita Basu Das" width="400" /></a></div>
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AT THE 28th <b>ASEAN Summit </b>held recently in Vientiane, the region’s economic integration process advanced into its next phase. The <b><a href="http://asean.org/storage/2016/09/Master-Plan-on-ASEAN-Connectivity-2025.pdf">Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) 2025</a></b> was adopted to continue the aims expressed in MPAC 2010. This new plan concentrates on five strategic areas:</div>
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1. <b>Sustainable infrastructure</b> aims to bring together existing resources to provide holistic support for infrastructure projects, including project preparation, improving productivity, and capability building.</div>
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2. <b>Digital innovation</b> strives to harness the full potential of digital technologies by establishing regulatory frameworks to spur new digital services, cultivating a culture of sharing best practices on open data, and equipping MSMEs with the capabilities to access these new technologies.</div>
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3. <b>Seamless logistics</b> facilitates collaboration between logistics firms, academic institutions, and ASEAN members to identify bottlenecks across key areas of the region’s supply chains.</div>
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4. <b>Regulatory excellenc</b>e supports the implementation of key ASEAN integration policies by focusing on standards harmonisation, mutual recognition and technical regulations, as well as addressing trade distorting non-tariff measures.</div>
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5. <b>People mobility </b>focuses on enhancing intra-ASEAN mobility by improving the ease of travel for tourists, as well as promoting skills mobility by establishing high-quality qualification frameworks in critical vocational occupations, and encouraging the freer movement of intra-ASEAN university students.</div>
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MPAC 2025 is noteworthy for several reasons. </div>
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First, it streamlines initiatives found in the initial plan and adds new ideas with consideration for uncertainties in the global economy. There is also an element of continuity. Of the 86 uncompleted projects from the previous plan, 52 will be continued and the rest dropped for having ‘no clear sectoral ownership’ or due to overlaps with other regional plans.</div>
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Second, the document mentions more precisely where different dimensions of connectivity fit into the <b>ASEAN Community Blueprint</b>. The five strategic areas are also mutually re-enforcing and tacks onto the priorities of the ASEAN <b>Political-Security</b>, <b>Economic </b>and <b>Socio-Cultural</b> communities.</div>
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Third, the implementation strategy now lays down comparatively clearer determinants for the implementation process and evaluation techniques. </div>
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In addition, robust stakeholder engagement, ranging from external parties (dialogue partners, civil society, private sector and international organisation) to stakeholders at the regional (<b>ASEAN Coordinating Connectivity Council</b>, the <a href="http://www.asean.org/"><b>ASEAN Secretariat</b></a>) and national levels (National Coordinators, National Focal Points and Implementing Agencies), has been agreed for timely implementation.</div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>First published by <a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/"><b>ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute</b></a>. The facts and views expressed are solely that of the author/authors and do not necessarily reflect that of ISEAS-usof Ishak Institute. </i></span><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-42288580823170471522016-09-01T23:00:00.000+08:002016-09-02T04:37:05.658+08:00The single market may prove to be the building block of ASEAN -- with a twist<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i>The "dynamism in business activity" in the newly launched <a href="http://asean.org/asean-economic-community/"><b>ASEAN Economic Community</b></a> has an upwards trajectory already enhanced by developments in logistics connectivity and huge cross-border business projects, says Malaysian business leader <b>Tan Sri Dato' Dr Mohd Munir Abdul Majid</b>. However the 2015 Chairman of the <b>ASEAN Business Advisory Council </b>and President of the <a href="http://www.aseanbusinessclub.org/"><b>ASEAN Business Club</b></a> warns of impediments in continuing NTBs and NTMs and the reticence of AEC Blueprints to identify China as the future economic "centre of gravity" for both mainland and maritime ASEAN.</i></div>
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<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoueHPFDQa_re0akTggztWyFyx-DtVJOZks4KPCoTGXqjBgnjZdy_YUhVum2pfujNEnSMBM726gbjFvzNGCr3-PGfhD-xxGIbjCb0Ay43aQVcf8EhLmEuUK89olz3CquIJIJ0Mo6kf9NE/s1600/Munir.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoueHPFDQa_re0akTggztWyFyx-DtVJOZks4KPCoTGXqjBgnjZdy_YUhVum2pfujNEnSMBM726gbjFvzNGCr3-PGfhD-xxGIbjCb0Ay43aQVcf8EhLmEuUK89olz3CquIJIJ0Mo6kf9NE/s400/Munir.JPG" width="440" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Tan Sri Munir Majid: "Business is agnostic. Investments are being made. Economic activities are taking place. The Greater Mekong Sub-Region is throbbing"</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
THE ASEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY (AEC) could turn out to be the
saviour of the <a href="http://asean.org/"><b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b></a> (ASEAN). Whatever its shortcomings, it is real, unlike largely mere
words of the ASEAN Political and Security Community, and the <i>tamasha </i>(carnival)
of the Socio-Cultural communion.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Even so, there are developments worth noting which would
make the AEC, or the ASEAN Community, not what is envisaged in the fine
official plans.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
But first let us acknowledge the so many things that are
happening in the ASEAN economy, facilitated by economic ministers and
officials, but most of all driven by business people who see its huge
potential.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Business people appreciate all too well the size of the
ASEAN market (at 640 million people, the third largest in the world), the total
economy (US$2.6 trillion, the world’s seventh biggest), healthy growth rate of
4%-5% (which could make the ASEAN economy number four in the world in a little
over a decade), and the powerful demographics (65% of the population under 35
years of age).</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Despite complaints about non-tariff barriers and measures
(NTBs and NTMs) that impede virtually zero tariffs for trade in goods in most
places, despite still limited openness for trade in services, for investments
in some strategic sectors, and for mobility of skilled labour, there is a
dynamism in business activity not much seen elsewhere in a lacklustre global
economy.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In economically under-rated Laos (with GDP of US$13.5 billion the
smallest in ASEAN, not counting Brunei), there is potential and activity that
belie its size. The proposed Kunming-Vientiane high speed railway, with a
price tag over half the size of the country’s economy, will transform the
country.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Already, huge projects in special economic zones are taking
place whose activities cut across mainland South-East Asia. For Laos, conversion from being land-locked to being
land-linked, is not just a slogan.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The connectivity from north to south, and east to west, is
driving economic activity in what is commonly called the Mekong sub-region way
beyond it, even into extra-ASEAN territory. There is a “T” in the traditional
<b>CLMV </b>(Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam) countries – Thailand – which is very
much in the mix.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The kingdom has great ambition to be ASEAN’s logistical hub,
based on its central location in mainland South-East Asia, bordering Malaysia,
Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos, with access to the Mekong, the Gulf of Thailand and
the Andaman Sea.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
But not just Thailand.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Under Prime Minister Modi India, which has been “Looking
East” for a mighty long time, is moving to “Act East”.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Last November it was announced that India is providing a
US$1 billion line of credit for a 3,200km highway linking the country with Myanmar
and Thailand. Once completed it would add to pre-existing, largely
historical, land and maritime linkages.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
While significant, this is some way behind what is already
happening in the CLMVT ASEAN sub-region, which is served by improving
north-south connectivity and the East West Economic Corridor stretching 1450km
from Danang in Vietnam, through Laos and Thailand, terminating at Mawlamvine
Port in Myanmar.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Distance to global markets from Laos has already been
considerably shortened, as with the other countries.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
According to one calculation, with the East West Economic
Corridor, existing global sea routes have been shortened by 3,000 nautical
miles, “or a 10-day sea journey from east to west and vice versa” - generating
enormous savings of freight and time costs for all investors along the region.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
What with tax breaks and governmental support, many
businesses are seizing the opportunity.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This “Greater Mekong sub-region” is getting linked up with
China, particularly the provinces of Yunnan and Guangxi. Its growth rate is higher than the overall ASEAN average.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This whole area, with the two Chinese provinces, has a
population of more than 400 million people. One calculation has it that it is
more than half the size of the ASEAN economy. Thus there is an economic reality
in mainland ASEAN with a gravitational pull towards China.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Of course all this is part of the AEC scheme. Construction
materials and equipment, for example, moving seamlessly from Thailand to Laos
for development projects. Car parts going from Laos to Thai assembly plants.
Connectivity across ASEAN member countries.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Open regionalism, linking up with China and to a lesser
extent with India which, after all, is part of <a href="https://aric.adb.org/fta/regional-comprehensive-economic-partnership"><b>Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership</b></a> (RCEP).</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Business is agnostic. Investments are being made. Economic
activities are taking place. The Greater Mekong Sub-Region is throbbing.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
However, from the viewpoint of the AEC and ASEAN generally,
a few points need to be observed. The first is that antecedent to ASEAN economic centrality there are centrifugal forces pulling outwards.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This means policies for an ASEAN single market and production
base must be enhanced so that whatever hubs that develop occur also because of
the ASEAN economy even if there will always be extra-regional and global market
attractions as well. Therefore removal of all those NTBs and NTMs remains
essential for natural economic flow.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The <b>ASEAN Business Advisory Council</b>, as the lead and apex
private sector body, is pushing hard for elimination of NTBs and NTMs in four
key sectors – healthcare, retail, logistics and e-commerce, and agri-food.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The working groups, which ASEAN economic ministers again
agreed last week should be formed, must get cracking.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The official sector is also doing its bit with the launch in
Vientiane of the <a href="http://assist.asean.org/"><b>ASEAN Solutions for Investments, Servicesand Trade</b></a> (ASSIST) web portal where sustained complaints against NTBs and NTMs will be
posted.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This kind of name and shame way is a good start, but much
more needs to be done particularly at the front end of such barriers.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
A second observation to be noted is the possible bifurcation
of ASEAN. Mainland and maritime South-East Asia not quite gelling together
economically, with trade, investment and movement of peoples between the two
areas becoming secondary or minimal as they forge different hubs and look more
to extra-regional economic relationships.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This would be nothing new for Singapore which has always
looked outward. Indonesia is huge enough to go ahead with its maritime
development plans at whatever pace it can achieve.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The Philippines has always been a bit apart, but it is well
integrated in trade with China whatever South China Sea problems it faces with
the Asian giant. In any case, with a population in excess of 100 million
there is plenty of unfulfilled potential in the domestic economy.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It is Malaysia that could be squeezed. With a relatively
small population of just over 30 million, ASEAN offers the country a huge
hinterland which it could benefit enormously from if the economy is not caught
in the middle income trap, moves into higher value products and services,
invests out of sectors it no longer is competitive in, and becomes a hub in
modern services using advanced technology.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The great irony will be what is now called a two-speed ASEAN will become a two-part ASEAN, with mainland South-East Asia no longer looking
like the poor cousin.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The final and most significant point to note is that the
centre of economic gravity is China, whether for mainland or maritime Asean.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Through sheer economic and financial resources, and total
strategic commitment, such as through <a href="http://english.gov.cn/beltAndRoad/"><b>One-Belt-One-Road</b></a> (OBOR) and the <a href="http://www.aiib.org/"><b>Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank</b></a> (AIIB), it
has caused a frustration of the ASEAN community, including of the AEC, without
actually willing it.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This does not mean there will be no ASEAN Community, based
largely on economic foundation, but it will be one subsumed within a Greater
China political economy, and not in the way intended.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This will be neither a good nor a bad thing. It all depends
on the basis of relationships countries in the region, not just ASEAN, have
with China, and what hold China would exercise over them.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The realist therefore might contend the <b>ASEAN Community 2025
Blueprints</b>, including on the AEC, would need to take into greater account the
Greater China superstructure than they have done.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It would be useful if top ASEAN policy makers could have
this conversation, but I doubt they ever will except in national confines.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<hr />
<i>Tan Sri Munir Majid, Chairman of <a href="http://www.muamalat.com.my/" target="_blank">Bank Muamalat</a> and visiting Senior Fellow at <b><a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/IDEAS/Home.aspx" target="_blank">LSE Ideas</a></b> (Centre for International Affairs, Diplomacy and Strategy), is also Chairman of<b> <a href="http://www.cariasean.org/" target="_blank">CIMB Asean Research Institute</a></b>. This article was first published by <a href="http://www.thestar.com.my/opinion/columnists/comment/2016/05/07/dont-miss-the-asean-bus/" target="_blank">The Star</a>, Malaysia.</i><br />
<hr />
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-17041583622141151152016-08-30T12:04:00.000+08:002016-09-03T11:59:45.161+08:00The illusion of ASEAN & how literature can help our sense of belonging<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>The 10-member countries of the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN) have different languages, different religions, different cultures,
different governmental and social systems, and different levels of
economic development. <b>Okky Madasari,</b> an Indonesian author and co-founder of the <b>ASEAN
Literary Festival,</b> explains how </i><i>literature and books in general can nurture and build a sense of being part of something bigger, and ultimately a sense of belonging and an ASEAN identity: </i></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguBgp5nZnm1CyaXBEheJNniaAS-XSHJ_0EAMnG5NE-KwWxKh9sXjyWPzNM2Aewq9sDlT-1zcz7UgPMnpiLODGR6NiExqb_PSYJYLggv3dtEYz3mAqNSJjlZ2Dp1YXDETmpA0e2nxRavYI/s1600/2016-05+Asean+Lit+Fest+1.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="277" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguBgp5nZnm1CyaXBEheJNniaAS-XSHJ_0EAMnG5NE-KwWxKh9sXjyWPzNM2Aewq9sDlT-1zcz7UgPMnpiLODGR6NiExqb_PSYJYLggv3dtEYz3mAqNSJjlZ2Dp1YXDETmpA0e2nxRavYI/s400/2016-05+Asean+Lit+Fest+1.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>Okky Madasari (left) compering the 2016 ASEAN
Literary Festival</i></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
THIS MONTH the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN) celebrated its 49th anniversary. What does it mean for us? </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For almost half a century, ASEAN has been a big illusion fed to all of us. In school we were taught about ASEAN and told that we were “ASEAN people”, without ever understanding what that meant or using the term outside of our classrooms. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
We use many other personal factors as a source of our identity – country, religion, ethnicity – but never our membership of ASEAN. I can say that I am Javanese, Muslim, Indonesian, but it’s impossible for me to say that I am an ASEAN person – even if I am clearly a Southeast Asian person.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
ASEAN nations range from Singapore, a dynamic city state with the GDP per capita of a developed nation, to small, backward communist dictatorships such as Cambodia and Laos, to democracies like Indonesia and the Philippines. Culturally, they range from Muslim-majority states such as Indonesia, the nation with the world’s largest Muslim population, and Malaysia to Buddhist secular states such as Thailand.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
We have different languages, different religions, different cultures, different governmental and social systems, and different levels of economic development.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
There is no single reason for us, the people of Southeast Asia, to stick together as one community. Our only common denominator is our shared experience of colonialism – even still, Thailand did not share this experience. It is only through geographic proximity that a concept of community seems plausible.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
And today, we call ourselves a community. We call ourselves a community just because our elites have decided that we should. It’s the same with what happened in 1967 when our elites agreed to establish an organization named ASEAN. We, the people, did not have a choice. We were never asked whether we wanted to join such an organization, or even more, to be part of one community.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
While ASEAN was formed for security and political reasons – to avoid conflict or war among countries in the region while defending the Western Bloc’s interests and containing the spread of communism at the height of the Cold War – now we are one community, first of all, for economic purposes. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
But even so, we can’t call ourselves an economic community just yet. Intra-ASEAN trade makes up only 30% of the bloc’s total trade, while intra-Asian trade is much bigger, standing at 53%. Thus, it is no surprise that some ASEAN states – Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam – have joined the USA-led <b>Trans Pacific Partnership</b> (TPP), a move that could further divide ASEAN, especially politically.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In its nearly 50 years of existence, ASEAN’s biggest achievement is avoiding war. But while it was formed for political and security reasons, it is in these aspects that ASEAN nations are the most divided, and it seems almost impossible to remedy this situation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Philippines, Singapore and Thailand are traditionally USA allies. Meanwhile Indonesia and Malaysia, often confused by their attempts to stay neutral, generally just try to be pragmatic. Cambodia and Laos are beholden to China and will not approve of any action on an issue important to Beijing. With this division and the “ASEAN Way” of consensus decision-making and non-interference, it’s impossible to make a united move on issues such as the South China Sea, for instance. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
With ASEAN economic integration and political commonalities increasingly becoming a delusion, the only way for nations in this part of the world to create a genuine community is to focus on the stepdaughter of the so-called Three Pillars, namely the socio-cultural sector. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
While we can always say that the ASEAN community is a work in progress, it will not progress until we seriously embark on exchanging values, lifestyles and customs of people in ASEAN so that they come to know and understand each other. This sense of belonging will only come from a bottom-up approach.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
How can we become a community if we don’t know each other? How can we be a member of a community to which we don’t feel a sense of belonging? We are close yet so far. We know much about people in England, in the USA, but we know nothing about people in other ASEAN countries.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-hQ1bd67Ym8XaoQgEiLJmxps_qhbyPtYVG-Q6qF8spBODAGOTc-3AlRIOa5nlmCd0uUHw9kFFQ8M6D3yr7uKptbw04ciWEB5YlBODmAC5yhTrgtlytUGLzrIEqkJ_RAhnvLK627M5l4s/s1600/2016-05+Asean+Lit+Fest+2.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="310" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-hQ1bd67Ym8XaoQgEiLJmxps_qhbyPtYVG-Q6qF8spBODAGOTc-3AlRIOa5nlmCd0uUHw9kFFQ8M6D3yr7uKptbw04ciWEB5YlBODmAC5yhTrgtlytUGLzrIEqkJ_RAhnvLK627M5l4s/s400/2016-05+Asean+Lit+Fest+2.JPG" width="440" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A panel session of the 2016 ASEAN Lyerary Festival held in Jakarta, Indonesia</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
We know much about England and the English because of their football and music. We feel close to the US because of Hollywood. And today we even consider South Korea our close neighbor more than our actual neighbors in ASEAN thanks to the K-pop invasion.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is only culture that can nurture and build a sense of being part of something bigger, and ultimately a sense of belonging and an ASEAN identity. And for me, as a writer, I believe that literature and books in general are cultural products that can have a significant influence on people.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
History shows us how books can create revolution, war, conflict, peace, consciousness, nationalism awareness, and encourage people to fight for freedom and equality. From <b>George Orwell</b> we understand the cruelty of authoritarianism, from <b>Charles Dickens</b> we learn about life under industrialism, and even from <b>Harry Potter</b> millions of kids in the world believe that anything can happen if we are brave enough.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
From <b>Bennedict Anderson</b>’s books we learn about nationalism in Southeast Asia and at the same time, from <b>Edward Said</b>’s works we learn how important it is to always explore different perspectives; to be critical of everything, including knowledge and opinions that are brought by people from the West about people in Asia. And of course from the Indonesian giant <b>Pramoedya Ananta Toer</b> we learn a lot about the nationalist struggle of Southeast Asia nations in the early 20’s century.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Yet while I believe in the power of books and literary works to shape a new awareness and perspectives among people in Southeast Asia, I cannot bring to mind the names of any writers and scholars from Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, even more Laos or Cambodia. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
We really need to begin making efforts to ensure that books and literary works from ASEAN writers are read by people in ASEAN. We have to believe that only by cultural exchange, especially through books, can we understand each other and become a real community. The <a href="http://www.aseanliteraryfestival.com/"><b>ASEAN Literary Festival</b> </a>is a small effort to build this understanding.</div>
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<i><b>Okky Madasari</b> is an Indonesian author and co-founder of the <b><a href="http://www.aseanliteraryfestival.com/">ASEAN Literary Festival</a></b>. In 2012, at 28 years old, she became the youngest winner of Indonesia’s most celebrated literary prize, the <b>Khatulistiwa Literary Award</b>, for her third novel ‘Maryam’. Her novels were also shortlisted three years in a row for the same award. Ms Madasari’s novels consistently voice issues concerning human rights and freedom. They aim to portray realistically the current state of Indonesia while also showcasing universal issues, including religious oppression, military violence, and corruption. This article, first published in <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/">The Jakarta Post</a>, is an edited excerpt from her speech at the <b><a href="http://warwickaseanconference.com/">Warwick ASEAN Conference</a> </b>in the UK, February 2016.</i><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-41661961189554943982016-08-02T20:00:00.000+08:002016-08-03T01:08:39.416+08:00Australia appoints Ms Jane Duke as Ambassador to ASEAN in Jakarta<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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AUSTRALIA HAS <a href="http://foreignminister.gov.au/releases/Pages/2016/jb_mr_160802.aspx">announced the appointment</a> of <b>Ms Jane Duke</b> as next Ambassador to the <b>Association of South East Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN), based in Jakarta. Ms Duke replaces outgoing Ambassador <b>Simon Merrifield</b> who was appointed Australia's first resident Ambassador to ASEAN in 2013.<br />
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Australia became ASEAN's very first Dialogue Partner in 1974, only seven years after the regional association was formed. A Joint Declaration on ASEAN-Australia Comprehensive Partnership was adopted in 2007 and upgraded to a Strategic Partnership in 2015. The relationship is being further enhanced with the convening of biennial Leaders’ Summits. </div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh62sJSviluKGbWND8fN9WFbU6yuDr1KzXGh2unR_lEAiXW2hOe_h9NNzAcs-qxhBKt1AWltYMyZ9LB9wr6cqxgttuIu0GUVf5ausM9A5g8p3W_qA2J4Z8wDRODeMSAzB3f1CqVdz_saDY/s1600/Amb+Jane+Duke.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh62sJSviluKGbWND8fN9WFbU6yuDr1KzXGh2unR_lEAiXW2hOe_h9NNzAcs-qxhBKt1AWltYMyZ9LB9wr6cqxgttuIu0GUVf5ausM9A5g8p3W_qA2J4Z8wDRODeMSAzB3f1CqVdz_saDY/s200/Amb+Jane+Duke.JPG" width="148" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ambassador Jane Duke. Photo: DFAT</td></tr>
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Australia participates in several regular consultative meetings with ASEAN, including the <b>ASEAN Regional Forum</b>, the <b>ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus</b>, the <b>East Asia Summit</b>, the <b>Expanded ASEAN Maritime Forum</b>, the <b>Post Ministerial Conferences</b>, and the <b>Senior Officials’ Meeting on Transnational Crime</b> + Australia Consultation. <br />
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The <b>ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area</b> was signed by the Economic Ministers of ASEAN, Australia and New Zealand in 2009. The new <b>ASEAN Economic Community</b> is, collectively, Australia's second-largest trading partner and Australia is the AEC's 6th largest trading partner, with total two-way trade reaching US$70.4 billion in 2014. Australia is also one of ASEAN's six Dialogue Partners that joined the negotiations on the <b>Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership</b> (RCEP). <br />
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Ms Duke is a senior career officer with the <b>Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. </b>She was most recently Assistant Secretary, South-East Asia Regional Branch, responsible for Australia-ASEAN relations and Australia's engagement with ASEAN-led regional institutions such as the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Regional Forum. <br />
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She previously served overseas as Deputy High Commissioner, Malaysia and as Counsellor (Immigration) at Australia's Permanent Mission to the <b>United Nations </b>in Geneva. In Canberra, Ms Duke has served as Assistant Secretary of the Canada and Latin America Branch, and the Northern, Southern and Eastern Europe Branch. She has also held senior positions in the immigration portfolio.<br />
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Ms Duke holds a Bachelor of Arts (Asian Studies) and a Bachelor of Laws (Hons) from the <b>Australian National University</b>, and a Graduate Diploma in Legal Practice from the <b>University of Technology Sydney</b>.</div>
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<b>See also:</b> <a href="http://www.aseanstrategic.com/2013/10/australias-first-jakarta-resident.html">Australia's first Jakarta-resident Ambassador to ASEAN accredited</a> (20 Oct 2013) and <a href="http://www.aseanstrategic.com/2015/11/why-business-should-get-interested-in.html">Why business should get interested in the world's next regional single market: the ASEAN Economic Community</a> (28 Nov 2015)</div>
<br />Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-36449844280346955572016-07-26T15:09:00.000+08:002016-07-26T15:47:11.333+08:00Managing provocations: What the South China Sea ruling means for Indonesia<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>The eyes of the world are focused on <b>China </b>and the <b>Philippines </b>following the <a href="https://pca-cpa.org/en/news/pca-press-release-the-south-china-sea-arbitration-the-republic-of-the-philippines-v-the-peoples-republic-of-china/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'https://pca-cpa.org/en/news/pca-press-release-the-south-china-sea-arbitration-the-republic-of-the-philippines-v-the-peoples-republic-of-china/', 'Permanent Court of Arbitration’s ruling on 12 July');"><b>Permanent Court of Arbitration</b>’s ruling on 12 July</a> on the <b>South China Sea</b>. The USA’s next move, and how the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN) should respond, have also been in the spotlight. What has
slipped mostly under the radar, <b>Koh Swee Lean Collin </b>writes, are the actions of <b>Indonesia</b> in response to possible contingencies in the face of a somewhat uncertain future.</i></div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqpSajZ0mc1cLv9OOCPYdMH4GgeqjAl2UMNG9yuo02JIXGmTZ7CojzdnjS9rH5inXbmA6wGHlnYayPCnaZ8ehAsIsFXn8-8JOrE_gnqobEF8arYyVp1iK57gkNurthGaIibMbJPAmoBes/s1600/Jokowi+naturna.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="310" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqpSajZ0mc1cLv9OOCPYdMH4GgeqjAl2UMNG9yuo02JIXGmTZ7CojzdnjS9rH5inXbmA6wGHlnYayPCnaZ8ehAsIsFXn8-8JOrE_gnqobEF8arYyVp1iK57gkNurthGaIibMbJPAmoBes/s400/Jokowi+naturna.JPG" width="440" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">President Jokowi paid a high-profile visit to the Natuna Islands to stress Indonesia's sovereignty</td></tr>
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<i> </i>
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IN MARCH THIS YEAR, Indonesia found itself embroiled in controversy after Chinese coastguards intervened in Indonesia’s detention of a Chinese trawler, <i>Kway Fey 10078</i>, in waters off the <b>Natuna Islands</b>. It was an incident that caused no small amount of disquiet in Jakarta, which has long sought to distance itself from the <b>South China Sea</b> squabbles.<br />
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Despite acknowledging Indonesia’s sovereignty over the Natuna Islands, Beijing had claimed these waters as “traditional Chinese fishing grounds” within its infamous nine-dashed line South China Sea claim.<br />
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This claim not only puts into question Indonesia’s ability to effectively enforce its sovereignty and jurisdictional rights in these waters, but also the credibility of its <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/11/13/jokowi-launches-maritime-doctrine-world.html" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/11/13/jokowi-launches-maritime-doctrine-world.html', 'Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) vision, launched by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo in November 2014');"><b>Global Maritime Fulcrum</b> (GMF) vision, launched by President <b>Joko “Jokowi” Widodo</b> in November 2014</a>.</div>
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The <i>Kway Fey</i> 10078 incident galvanised Jakarta to harden its stance in the aftermath. Not only did Jokowi <a href="http://setkab.go.id/en/president-jokowi-at-imo-forum-im-committed-to-making-indonesia-global-maritime-fulcrum/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://setkab.go.id/en/president-jokowi-at-imo-forum-im-committed-to-making-indonesia-global-maritime-fulcrum/', 'stress his commitment towards realising the GMF vision');">stress his commitment towards realising the GMF vision</a>; the Indonesian Government began to assert its sovereignty over the Natuna Islands, including plans for a <a href="http://jakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/politics/house-agrees-build-military-base-natuna-islands/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://jakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/politics/house-agrees-build-military-base-natuna-islands/', 'major military buildup');">major military buildup</a>. More ominously, Jokowi paid a high-profile visit to the islands, during which a limited cabinet meeting was held to announce new initiatives to develop the local economy. Meanwhile, the Indonesian Navy started to detain Chinese fishing boats; even <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-indonesia-ship-idUSKCN0Z50FG" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-indonesia-ship-idUSKCN0Z50FG', 'firing warnings shots in one recent incident');">firing warnings shots in one recent incident</a>.<br />
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These moves were perceived by Beijing as nothing less than an embarrassing affront.</div>
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There were <a href="http://jakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/featured-2/court-ruling-on-s-china-sea-should-firm-indonesias-resolve-lawmaker/">calls within Jakarta to make use</a> of the <a href="https://pca-cpa.org/en/news/pca-press-release-the-south-china-sea-arbitration-the-republic-of-the-philippines-v-the-peoples-republic-of-china/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'https://pca-cpa.org/en/news/pca-press-release-the-south-china-sea-arbitration-the-republic-of-the-philippines-v-the-peoples-republic-of-china/', 'Permanent Court of Arbitration’s ruling on 12 July');"><b>Permanent Court of Arbitration</b>’s South China Sea ruling of 12 July</a> to underscore law enforcement in Natuna waters, especially since Beijing’s nine-dashed line claim had been invalidated. However, it would be a mistake to think that China will back away from the Natuna waters.<br />
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Soon after the ruling, <b>Chen Shiqiu</b> and <b>Ruan Zongze</b>, members of an advisory committee to the Chinese Government, <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2016/07/14/china-indonesia-need-sit-down-and-talk-about-natuna.html" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2016/07/14/china-indonesia-need-sit-down-and-talk-about-natuna.html', 'called for bilateral talks on the Natuna fisheries issue');">called for bilateral talks on the Natuna fisheries issue</a>.</div>
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<i><b>China's ‘conciliatory’ façade</b></i><br />
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Yet behind this ‘conciliatory’ façade there have been strident calls by some Chinese scholars and officials for their Government to toughen its stance. Some of them, whom I recently engaged with in Beijing ahead of the South China Sea ruling, proclaimed that with its growing military power China should no longer tolerate its ASEAN neighbours’ actions, including the arrest of Chinese fishermen.</div>
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<a href="http://www.policyforum.net/south-china-sea-aid-will-trump-islands/">
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The implications for Jakarta are clear – the constraint imposed by the tribunal ruling on Beijing’s behaviour would be tenuous at best. With post-arbitration nationalistic emotions running high at home, Beijing has little choice but to toughen its position, including challenging its ASEAN neighbours’ maritime law enforcement activities.</div>
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Clearly the Natuna fishery row with China is not going to vanish any time soon. Beijing would almost certainly not renounce its rights to the “traditional fishing grounds” overlapping into Natuna waters even if both countries were willing to negotiate. </div>
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The question is whether Jokowi’s recent ‘pivot’ to the Natuna Islands is going to be sufficient in dissuading future Chinese provocations similar to the <i>Kway Fey</i> 10078 incident. For now, the Indonesian Navy’s latest strong showing against Chinese fishermen seems to have had some effect. But the question is how long before Jakarta becomes distracted by other priorities?</div>
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With a vast archipelago afflicted by diverse maritime security challenges Jakarta might find itself hard-pressed to respond if Beijing ramps up its aggressive behavior in the Natuna waters. These challenges extend beyond illegal fishing to militant threats to shipping in the Sulu/Celebes Seas and human trafficking in the Arafura Sea, as well as the challenge of a navy which still serves as Indonesia’s premier maritime defense and law enforcement agency yet at the same time suffers from persistent capacity shortfalls.</div>
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<i><b>"Increased weapons procurement”</b></i><br />
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The solution is not more negotiations, as history has shown that Beijing would still behave assertively while advocating talks, but in Indonesia’s maritime defense and security capacity-building efforts based on its <b>Minimum Essential Force</b> (MEF) blueprint.</div>
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During last month’s <b>Shangri-La Dialogue</b>, I <a href="https://www.iiss.org/en/events/shangri%20la%20dialogue/archive/shangri-la-dialogue-2016-4a4b/plenary3-b139/qa-aeeb" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'https://www.iiss.org/en/events/shangri%20la%20dialogue/archive/shangri-la-dialogue-2016-4a4b/plenary3-b139/qa-aeeb', 'posed a question');">posed a question</a> to Indonesia’s Defense Minister <b>Ryamizard Ryacudu</b> about realising those MEF targets by 2024. The minister responded that “as the economy progresses, the MEF… will of course be adapted in response to any developments and to the situation. When the economy improves, there will clearly have to be increased weapons procurement.”<br />
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However, <a href="http://jakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/economy/dark-days-ahead-economy-chief-security-minister/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://jakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/economy/dark-days-ahead-economy-chief-security-minister/', 'economic uncertainty');">economic uncertainty</a> in the foreseeable future could potentially stymie Indonesia’s plans. </div>
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Given this, it might be worthwhile for Jakarta to consider revising the MEF goals for its navy, as I have previously <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2015/08/tough-times-ahead-for-the-indonesian-navy/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://thediplomat.com/2015/08/tough-times-ahead-for-the-indonesian-navy/', 'proposed');">proposed</a>. This might also allow Indonesia to respond more effectively to the complex and ever-evolving situation in its strategic maritime environment, not just the South China Sea.</div>
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<i><b>Koh Swee Lean Collin</b> is research fellow at the <b>S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies</b>, based in Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. First published in The Asia and the Pacific Policy Society Policy Forum. <a href="http://www.policyforum.net/challenging-sovereignty-sea/">Read the original article</a></i></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-70489122026574306982016-07-15T21:11:00.003+08:002016-07-15T21:11:54.470+08:00Managing limitations of traditional sovereignty: Lessons for ASEAN from European Union over-reach & Brexit<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i>As the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> tackles the implementation of its emerging <b>Economic Community</b> while dealing with fragmented responses to external territorial challenges, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the <b>European Union</b> appears to <span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;">inconveniently </span>give "<span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;">shared sovereignty" a bad name. </span><b>Eugene K B Tan</b>, an associate professor of law at the School
of Law, <b>Singapore Management University</b>, explains why effective action requires both collaboration of member states and domestic buy-in and
legitimacy:</i></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEit6CjWBmdQANiZlJn3xpGcNX3jR1cXvFNykJcK71OqZ6OPK4abwtX3-ZxgsBZLyxrxvyaeFTKTcD1su004AaoMf7nL5LpXhtuBUJsYGuZEUxe3Jx5iTj85QbQtFpb1txit2ns6itNrAoA/s1600/EU-ASEAN+flags.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEit6CjWBmdQANiZlJn3xpGcNX3jR1cXvFNykJcK71OqZ6OPK4abwtX3-ZxgsBZLyxrxvyaeFTKTcD1su004AaoMf7nL5LpXhtuBUJsYGuZEUxe3Jx5iTj85QbQtFpb1txit2ns6itNrAoA/s400/EU-ASEAN+flags.JPG" width="490" /></a></div>
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THE UNITED KINGDOM’S DIVORCE
from the <b>European Union</b> (EU)
may well be the tipping point for European regionalism. If the EU poorly
manages the UK’s exit, or Brexit, it may presage the slow decline and growing
irrelevance of the EU in the global political economy. The entire episode also
holds lessons for the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN).</div>
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The tragedy of Brexit is the profound misunderstanding of
sovereignty. The concern now is the risk of populist exit contagion gaining
traction in other EU member states, all in the name of sovereignty and
democratic choice.</div>
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To further inter-state cooperation, the EU operates on
pooled sovereignty, in which decision-making powers are shared among member
states. This is to be contrasted with unanimous decision-making, which gives
states the right to unilaterally veto decisions that they disagree with.</div>
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Despite the intrinsic appeal of unanimous decision-making,
states may pool sovereignty to reduce the likelihood of gridlock. This does not
detract from their remaining independent sovereign nations. Instead, they are
able to collectively gain and exert influence that none of them could have had
on their own.</div>
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<i><b>'Taming' EU member states</b></i></div>
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On the value that EU provides to member states, Oxford
University’s Jacques Delors Professor of European Law, <b>Stephen Weatherill</b>, puts
it well: “States give up a degree of power to act unilaterally so that they may
participate in the deployment of a collective problem-solving capacity that is
a great deal more effective. Resources of power are not finite: Acting through
the EU expands the sum of State powers so it becomes greater than its parts.”</div>
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Professor Weatherill adds that the EU also seeks to “tame”
states’ historical capacity to cause harm to each other. The EU’s rules and
institutions do not replace, still less suppress, the several different
locations of political authority across Europe. Rather, they create “a credible
set of reciprocally undertaken commitments designed to make real promises to
solve problems their citizens expect to see solved, and by preventing them from
inflicting external harm”.</div>
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The creation of a single EU market for goods and services is
a good example. The single market demonstrates that EU member states value the
benefits of the collective abolition of trade barriers in favour of competition
and efficiencies. This is an integration model of sorts for ASEAN..</div>
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Not-so-successful initiatives are the free movement of EU
nationals within the EU and the creation of a shared currency, the euro. They
prematurely shifted regional integration from a free trade area to a broader
social and economic union, which is an overreach given the disparities within
the EU. In turn, this necessitated — in the name of legal
harmonisation—instituting more regulations by an unpopular command-and-control
bureaucracy in Brussels, and the making of a supra-national state with
institutions such as a regional judiciary and legislature.</div>
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<b>What can ASEAN learn from Brexit?</b></div>
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ASEAN is organised quite differently from the EU. For one,
there is no pooling of sovereignty. Instead, the ASEAN Charter, the grouping’s
constitutional text, speaks of a normative, desired state of inter-state
governmentality and cooperation.</div>
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Despite its fair share of difficulties and disagreements,
ASEAN is a fairly cohesive and successful regional grouping. Next year marks
the golden jubilee of its founding in 1967. It has engendered intra-regional
amity and comity within Southeast Asia by nurturing a culture of mutual
respect and accommodation among member states. This has led to the
self-congratulatory mantra that “no two ASEAN member states have ever gone to
war with each other”.</div>
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However, the past is not a reliable guide to the future
should ASEAN become increasingly fragmented, or if unilateral, self-interested
assertions of sovereignty take on ascendency. This is not far-fetched in light
of China’s rise as a regional hegemon that is keen on bilateral rather than
multilateral arrangements, especially over territorial claims in the <b>South
China Sea</b>. On another front, several Indonesian ministers have objected to
Singapore’s transboundary haze pollution law on the grounds that it violates Indonesia’s
sovereignty.</div>
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ASEAN has facilitated regional economic development by
providing a stable regional security environment. ASEAN members are realistic
that their community-building will not be as intensive and extensive as the
EU’s. The diversity of history, culture, politics, language, religion and
economic development constrains ASEAN from being integrated like the EU.</div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The
abiding demand for and long-standing understanding of
the sovereignty norm in ASEAN has resulted in a policy of
non-interference and
a consensual approach to decision-making. While this is pragmatic, the
“ASEAN Way” has been criticised for its failure against recalcitrant
member states,
such as in Myanmar and the abuse of human rights there when it was under
military rule.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><b>Limitations of
traditional sovereignty</b></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
However, ASEAN is coming to grips with the limitations of
traditional sovereignty. The ASEAN Charter seeks to create a rules-based
organisation. Increasingly, the principle of “responsible sovereignty”, which
enjoins states to take responsibility for the external effects of their
domestic actions, is gaining currency. This broader conception of sovereignty
entails obligations and duties towards other sovereign states as well as to
one’s own citizens.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Sovereignty recognises that states remain the primary actors
in the international system. Responsibility, however, highlights the need for
cooperation among states, rather than unilateral action, to better meet the
most fundamental demands of sovereignty, which is the protection of their
people and the advancement of their interests.<br />
<br />
Brexit vividly demonstrates that
deeper regional cooperation is only possible when there is domestic buy-in and
legitimacy. Regional integration must ultimately benefit and be seen to benefit
the masses.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
As Singapore's Prime Minister <b>Lee Hsien Loong</b> said of Brexit: “The
desire to disengage, to be less constrained by one’s partners, to be free to do
things entirely as one chooses, is entirely understandable. And yet in reality
for many countries disengaging and turning inwards will likely lead to less
security, less prosperity and a dimmer future.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Sovereignty is a double-edged sword. If misused, it would do
more harm than good in our increasingly interdependent world. Unilateral state
action is grossly inadequate in dealing with major issues such as climate
change, financial market regulation, terrorism and migration. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Sovereignty must
galvanise the human desire to cooperate in enlightened self-interest for the
greater good.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<hr />
<b>Eugene K B Tan</b> is associate professor of law at the School
of Law, <b>Singapore Management University</b>. First published by<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1f497d; font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;"> <span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.todayonline.com/world/brexit-giving-shared-sovereignty-bad-name">TODAY</a>.</span></span></div>
<hr />
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-29300278727828196452016-07-13T15:16:00.000+08:002016-07-13T15:16:20.438+08:00Ruling the South China Sea: Key issues from the Arbitral Tribunal’s award <div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>In 2015 the Republic of the Philippines applied for arbitration through the <b>UN Convention on the Law of the Sea</b> on historic rights and maritime entitlements in the <b>South
China Sea</b> and the lawfulness of certain actions by th<b>e</b> Peoples Republic of China. <b>Marina Tsirbas, </b>senior executive adviser for policy engagement at the <b>National Security College</b>, The Australian National University, analyses the f<a href="https://pca-cpa.org/en/news/pca-press-release-the-south-china-sea-arbitration-the-republic-of-the-philippines-v-the-peoples-republic-of-china/">indings announced at the <b>Permanent Court of Arbitration</b></a> on </i><i>12 July 2016</i><i>, and highlights key impacts on future nation state behaviour. </i></div>
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTuc6syChd6J87Frcmp2ikwzqt5D3b1aI0iUXAu2zPfECEvWJdMiAj-BcS-CiIes5FjRKvsE5WNChnZmc-QKFrPR_0e4osoYFHXbPFhEbmaz5FrgvnaBlkikzfWcjc0VDGxtEufHnRXVk/s1600/Ming+South+China+Sea+pirates.JPG" imageanchor="1"><img alt="https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Triotriotrio&action=edit&redlink=1" border="0" height="233" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTuc6syChd6J87Frcmp2ikwzqt5D3b1aI0iUXAu2zPfECEvWJdMiAj-BcS-CiIes5FjRKvsE5WNChnZmc-QKFrPR_0e4osoYFHXbPFhEbmaz5FrgvnaBlkikzfWcjc0VDGxtEufHnRXVk/s400/Ming+South+China+Sea+pirates.JPG" title="Portion of the Qing scroll on display at the Hong Kong Maritime Museum" width="480" /></a></div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
THE LEGAL RULING in the South China Sea dispute, which saw the Philippines take a case against China to international arbitration under the <b><a href="http://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/unclos_e.pdf" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'download', 'http://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/unclos_e.pdf');">UN Convention on the Law of the Sea</a></b> (UNCLOS), has widespread implications both as a test case for the law of the sea specifically, and for a rules-based global order more broadly. The diplomatic and geopolitical ripples from the ruling will be felt for some time.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The tribunal’s <a href="https://pca-cpa.org/en/news/pca-press-release-the-south-china-sea-arbitration-the-republic-of-the-philippines-v-the-peoples-republic-of-china/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'https://pca-cpa.org/en/news/pca-press-release-the-south-china-sea-arbitration-the-republic-of-the-philippines-v-the-peoples-republic-of-china/', 'ruling');">ruling</a> that none of the Spratly features are islands generating a 200 nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), and few are high tide elevations, is significant and about as good as could’ve been hoped for from the perspective of reinforcing global commons aspects of the South China Sea and freedom of navigation and over-flight. It flows from this that China could only claim an EEZ in disputed areas near the Philippines through a claim to Taiwan. (Incidentally, Taiwan won’t be happy about the finding that Itu Aba is not an island which generates an EEZ.)</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
China can still claim vast parts of the seabed of the South China Sea through its continental shelf under UNCLOS given its broad continental margin. But it would need to lodge papers with the UN to ensure international recognition of those rights. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<i><b>Violating Philippines' EEZ</b></i><br />
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It could also continue to claim title to the high tide elevations in the Spratly islands through the means by which sovereignty to land is acquired at international law (the tribunal found a number of features, including Scarborough Shoal were high tide elevations including some that the Philippines had argued were not). But at most, all these elevations would generate would be a 12 nautical mile territorial sea around them. The tribunal specifically did not rule on which country had sovereignty over the high tide elevations.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The consequent finding of violations of Philippine EEZ rights by China through its creation of an artificial installation on Mischief Reef, its fishing practices and interference with the Philippines’ exploitation of hydrocarbons are useful clarifications on the validity of Chinese island-building activities, fishing and other forms of unilateralism. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The finding on Chinese destruction of the marine environment is a particularly useful clarification of states’ obligations to protect the marine environment. The principles entailed in these findings would have potential application in other parts of the South China Sea where claimants have built on features which are claimed by more than one state and more generally.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The tribunal denied any special category of “historical rights” exists in the South China Sea outside of what UNCLOS provides. This demystification, which I’ve previously <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2016/06/what-does-the-nine-dash-line-actually-mean/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://thediplomat.com/2016/06/what-does-the-nine-dash-line-actually-mean/', 'advocated for');">advocated for</a>, is a useful diplomatic tool going forward.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i>Significant maritime obligations</i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The finding of violations of the obligations under UNCLOS to preserve the marine environment are significant and potentially far reaching, with broader application for preservation of the marine environment beyond national jurisdiction and for fisheries management. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It also potentially provides a hook for other nations to act. For example, in sanctioning behaviour by their own nationals which contributes to the destruction of the marine environment by claimants in the South China Sea, by prohibiting port entry for vessels involved in island building, or by <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/comment/south-china-sea-fishing-needs-to-be-internationalised-20160414-go6pcq" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://www.smh.com.au/comment/south-china-sea-fishing-needs-to-be-internationalised-20160414-go6pcq', 'refusing to import');">refusing to import</a> South China Sea fish illegally caught. The most pertinent analogy here is the response states take to Japanese whaling vessels, for example, not permitting them to enter Australian ports.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Even before the ruling was issued, China had flagged that it would not accept it, a position it has since reinforced. China’s withdrawal from UNCLOS is a possibility that would be a bad result for the international community, and middle powers in particular. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Those of us who believe in a rules-based order, and not just the right of might or the ability to reinforce right with might, need to get behind the ruling (Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop’s <a href="http://foreignminister.gov.au/releases/Pages/2016/jb_mr_160712a.aspx?w=tb1CaGpkPX%2FlS0K%2Bg9ZKEg%3D%3D" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://foreignminister.gov.au/releases/Pages/2016/jb_mr_160712a.aspx?w=tb1CaGpkPX%2FlS0K%2Bg9ZKEg%3D%3D', 'response');">response</a> in her recent press release on the ruling is exactly on point here). As Bishop said, it is an opportunity for the region to come together, and for claimants to re-engage in dialogue with each other based on greater clarity around maritime rights.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i><b>Backing the ruling</b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
More substantive actions to back the ruling, as I’ve hinted at above, could also be taken. Australia could also consider whether it is prepared to sanction its nationals involved in hydrocarbon exploitation in parts of the South China Sea which are claimed by more than one state and where there is no agreement for exploitation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Conversely, the ruling may have reinforced the case for the United States to ratify UNCLOS. And the possibility of a Chinese withdrawal makes it all the more important for the US to show its support for the <a href="http://www.policyforum.net/shaping-the-global-order/">rules-based order</a> by doing so.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
China could now proceed to lodge its extended continental shelf claim to jurisdiction over the vast majority of the South China Sea seabed – a process involving lodging a document with a UN body to achieve international recognition of the rights, although here too, some of China’s claim would overlap with others.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In parallel they could bilaterally negotiate their seabed claims or provisional arrangements for hydrocarbon exploitation. China could also clarify what it means by the nine-dash line.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
China is unlikely to wind back any of the build-up on its artificial features. It may, however, temper some of its behaviour around preserving the marine environment. This would also be in China’s interests given the size of its fishing industry and market.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
China will be on the back foot over the Spratly Islands features but will probably harden its stance on its view of freedom of navigation in the areas of EEZ generated by the Chinese mainland and the Paracels including Woody Island.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The judgement is detailed and there are many aspects to be examined before the full implications are clear. The tribunal expressed the view that no bad faith should be assumed.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A few months before China’s hosting of the <b>G20</b>, the decision, and management of the next steps poses a challenge for <b>President X</b>i and other world leaders. Triumphalism should not be the order of the day. It will be important for all nations to take a measured tone and approach going forward.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<hr style="margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px;" />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i><b>Marina Tsirbas</b> is senior executive adviser for policy engagement at the <b>National Security College</b>, The Australian National University. First published in The Asia and the Pacific Policy Society Policy Forum. <a href="http://www.policyforum.net/ruling-south-china-sea/">Read the orignal article</a></i></div>
<hr />
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-63089885704937774602016-07-08T13:38:00.000+08:002016-07-13T14:20:22.363+08:00The leading roles of ASEAN and Japan in East Asian geopolitical trends<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>With USA-China competition in the region evolving, a common approach to traditional security is needed, writes <b>Bhubhindar Singh</b>, Associate Professor and Coordinator of the Regional Security
Architecture Programme at the <b>S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies</b>, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. As the next two important entities in the contemporary strategic landscape, he suggests, <b>ASEAN</b> (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and Japan could
determine the outcome of East Asian regional stability. </i></div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6oyLS0m7Yug232SFkGbH6oAgqusnis_xLrjdoJj1Y8pEpoz-t80TizM1NRjMTyzB6rZkg2jwuPmAt-X3FU4IFG3Eg_S-gpYbhuFtxzTp_KcL2zlf81KoTF57dDN1MzLIZA5zEb6wtXf0/s1600/USA-Japan.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="257" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh6oyLS0m7Yug232SFkGbH6oAgqusnis_xLrjdoJj1Y8pEpoz-t80TizM1NRjMTyzB6rZkg2jwuPmAt-X3FU4IFG3Eg_S-gpYbhuFtxzTp_KcL2zlf81KoTF57dDN1MzLIZA5zEb6wtXf0/s400/USA-Japan.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">From left, USA Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel, USA Secretary of
State John Kerry, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe, Japanese Minister
of Foreign Affairs Fumio Kishida and Minister of Defense Tsunori Onodera </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
EAST ASIA IS AT a critical historical juncture as two major geopolitical trends unfold: the strategic rise of China, and the impact of China’s rise on the long-standing position of the United States of America in East Asia.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As US-China competition evolves, both Japan and <a href="http://asean.org/"><b>ASEAN</b></a> have to assess their strategic policies. Japan and ASEAN are the next two important entities (in no particular order) in the contemporary strategic landscape whose decisions could determine the outcome of East Asian regional stability.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
China’s rise has been the main story of this century. Despite Beijing’s repeated assurances on its ‘peaceful rise’ strategy, China’s behaviour continues to provoke many questions about its intentions. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This suspicion stems from China’s strengthened territorial claims in both the South China Sea and East China Sea, including rapid land reclamation to enlarge the islands and reefs in the South China Sea that alarmed the other claimant states, the US and Japan, and the militarisation of claimed islands, through the deployment of anti-aircraft missile systems on Woody Island.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<b>Escalation of China's assertiveness</b><br />
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Most projections agree that China’s assertiveness in the maritime domain will escalate. This is especially true for the South China Sea dispute, as China clearly regards this sub-region as its own ‘backyard’. China’s assertiveness has resulted in run-ins between not only the other claimant states, such as the Philippines and Vietnam, but also with its long-standing partners, such as Malaysia, and with Indonesia, a neutral actor in the dispute.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The second key trend is to keep the US engaged, interested and committed to East Asia. China’s strategic rise challenges America’s traditional role as the main source of stability in the region. Though US abandonment fears have been a constant feature in East Asia’s strategic landscape, two factors make this concern more pressing today.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The first is the acquisition of asymmetric technology by China and North Korea, namely the anti-access/anti-denial capability (ballistic missiles, submarines and other weapons) that directly limits the United States’ ability to access its military bases in Northeast Asia, and in turn, weakens America’s extended deterrence capability.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The second factor originates from America’s policy in the Middle East. For East Asia, the Middle East is a constant source of distraction of US attention and resources. With the situation in Syria and the threat from ISIS escalating tensions, America’s involvement in the Middle East will only be heightened, further reinforcing the concerns of the East Asian states.<br />
<br />
<b>Responses naturally differ </b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Japan and ASEAN’s responses to the geopolitical trends have naturally differed. For Japan, the shifts resulted in a greater clarification of its national security objectives and strategy. Internally, it has strengthened its military capabilities, revised its defence strategy to focus more on the south-west region, lifted the arms exports ban, and increased defence spending.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Externally, it has strengthened defence cooperation with the US. A key development was the signing of the new <b><a href="http://www.mod.go.jp/e/d_act/anpo/" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'http://www.mod.go.jp/e/d_act/anpo/', '2015 Guidelines of Japan-US Defence Cooperation');">2015 Guidelines of Japan-US Defence Cooperation</a></b> – the first upgrade since 1997 – authorising Japan to help defend the United States and other allies, even when Japan is not under attack (known as collective self-defence missions). Japan has strengthened its security relations with like-minded countries (Australia, India), formed security partnerships with claimant countries in the South China Sea dispute (Philippines and Vietnam), and engaged in robust defence diplomacy efforts bilaterally and multilaterally (<b><a href="https://admm.asean.org/index.php/about-admm/about-admm-plus.html" onclick="__gaTracker('send', 'event', 'outbound-article', 'https://admm.asean.org/index.php/about-admm/about-admm-plus.html', 'ADMM-Plus');">ADMM-Plus</a></b>).</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
On the other hand, the impact on ASEAN is as yet unclear. This is no surprise, as ASEAN is a collection of 10 states with individual national interests. However, one clear impact has been the more visible fracture within ASEAN. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The differences between pro-China, anti-China and neutral camps have become starker. The 2012 and 2015 ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ meetings are good examples of this, as ASEAN countries failed to reach a consensus on how to express China’s behaviour in the South China Sea in the joint communiqués released during those meetings. In April 2016, this fracture made headlines again as the foreign ministers of China, Laos, Cambodia and Brunei met to agree on a consensus that the South China Sea should be resolved between China and the claimant states, rather than through the China-ASEAN framework.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Though clearly in response to China’s rise, Japan’s comprehensive strategic policy is largely accepted by the ASEAN states, because Tokyo’s moves are largely perceived as defensive measures. However, Japan should avoid any destabilising behaviour over the unresolved historical legacy issue, such as visits to the Yasukuni Shrine. This reduces Japan’s goodwill and supports the view that Japan can be a destabiliser. Also, Japan should avoid any anti-China balance-of-power strategies that could fuel regional perceptions that Japan is trying to create an anti-China coalition.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<b>ASEAN disunity challenge</b><br />
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For ASEAN, it is important that the region remains the convening institution for East Asia – a strategy that has worked well in engaging great/major powers in the region, as well as sustaining its relevance in the regional landscape.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Addressing ASEAN’s disunity is the most important challenge for the next decade. ASEAN has to decide the tipping point for when China or America’s actions become detrimental to regional stability, and devise a common approach for challenging this. This is not a push towards the creation of a common foreign and security policy such as the European Union, but a common issue-based approach.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As the 50<sup>th</sup> anniversary of ASEAN approaches, it is no longer a choice but a necessity for it to start talking about common approaches to traditional security. As a source of stability both individually and through the US-Japan alliance, Japan has an important role in sustaining ASEAN’s centrality in the regional security landscape ensuring a cooperative Japan-ASEAN collaboration brings stability to a tense region.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<hr />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Bhubhindar Singh</b> is Associate Professor and Coordinator of the Regional Security Architecture Programme at the <b>S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies</b>, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. <span style="font-family: inherit;">First published in The Asia and the
Pacific Policy Society Policy Forum. </span><a href="http://www.policyforum.net/geopolitical-trends-east-asia/">Read the orignal article</a></i></span>
<br />
<hr />
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-88023378611246373252016-06-25T14:47:00.000+08:002016-06-25T14:47:48.876+08:00Assessing the impact of Brexit on future ASEAN relations with the EU and UK<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>Less than 12 months ago, <b>David Cameron</b> was the first Prime Minister of the <b>United Kingdom</b> to visit the Jakarta headquarters of the <b>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</b> (ASEAN) where he urged the <b>European Union</b> to "jump-start" long awaited negotiations on a free trade agreement with the ASEAN Economic Community. According to the <a href="http://www.ukabc.org.uk/"><b>UK-ASEAN Business Council</b></a> total UK exports to the six largest ASEAN economies in 2012 were equivalent to over three times the UK’s exports to Brazil, twice India’s, and 50% more than Japan’s. UK goods exports to ASEAN were rising more rapidly than British exports globally and UK services exports to ASEAN exceeded those to either China or Japan. Now, following his country's historic vote to leave the EU, Mr Cameron has announced his resignation as Prime Minister from October.<b> Dr Tang Siew Mun</b>, Head of the <a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/centres/asean-studies-centre"><b>ASEAN Studies Centre</b></a> at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, examines the repercussions for Southeast Asia:
</i><br />
<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">HE Le Luong Minh, Secretary-General of ASEAN, welcomes Mr David Cameron,
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
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IN A MOVE THAT IS reverberating in the British Isles and around the world, the British electorate has voted to “leave” the European Union (EU) in what was billed as one of UK’s most significant political events in a generation. The <b>BBC </b>reported that the “leave” campaign garnered 52% of the votes against a turnout of 72.2%, signalling the beginning of the end of UK’s flirtation with European integration. <br />
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Although the results of the referendum is not legally binding, Prime Minister David Cameron has pledged to honour the results, and has even resigned to allow a new Prime Minister to lead the process of the UK exiting the EU. The new Prime Minister would kick-start the process of UK’s withdrawal by triggering Article 50 of the <b>Lisbon Treaty</b> through a formal notification to the European Council. <br />
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<b>As this process is being played out in Brussels and London, what does Brexit mean for ASEAN-EU and ASEAN-UK relations?</b><br />
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First, ASEAN’s relations with the EU will not be affected. The EU is one of ASEAN’s ten <b>Dialogue Partners</b>, and it would be “business as usual” even after the instruments of withdrawal were successfully completed between London and Brussels after many years of negotiation.<br />
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Second, the UK will lose its formal affiliation with ASEAN when it ceases to be a Dialogue Partner- a status it currently holds as a constituent of the EU. The UK would have to apply to “rejoin” ASEAN as a Dialogue Partner in its own right. Upon granted this status by ASEAN, it would then need to apply for entry into the multiple fora led by ASEAN.<br />
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Third, UK’s separation from the EU will have a significant impact on its engagement with ASEAN as London will be disconnected from all ASEAN-led processes where the UK had heretofore participated as a member of the EU. In practical terms, the UK will be left out of the <b>Asia-Europe Meeting</b> (ASEM), <b>ASEAN Regional Forum</b> (ARF) and the <b>ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus </b>(ADMM Plus) after its disengagement from the EU.<br />
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Fourth, as a strong advocate of free trade in the EU, UK’s absence may cause the momentum of EU’s economic engagement with ASEAN to slow down. Brexit will also allow London to engage more closely with ASEAN since it will be freed from the constraints of EU membership.<br />
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The vote to leave the EU will effectively disengage the UK from ASEAN. However, given the UK’s longstanding and extensive engagement in the region, it would be difficult to envisage a situation where ASEAN will turn down the UK’s application to rejoin ASEAN as a Dialogue Partner.<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>First published by <a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/"><b>ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute</b></a>. The facts and views expressed are solely that of the author/authors and do not necessarily reflect that of ISEAS-usof Ishak Institute. </i></span><br />
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<b>See also: </b> <a href="http://www.aseanstrategic.com/2016/03/asean-smug-brexit-eu.html">ASEAN should not be smug over the Brexit debate on the future of the EU</a> (3 March 2016)<i><br /></i></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-35935338908534140922016-05-31T19:43:00.000+08:002016-06-01T17:19:29.766+08:00ASEAN on-line academy launched for micro, small & medium businesses<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>A <b>United States of America</b>-funded and developed <b>ASEAN </b>online training facility is now available to assist Southeast Asia's <b>micro, small and medium enterprises</b> to upgrade their business knowledge and skills </i><i><i>in finance-accounting, management, marketing, operation, technology and trade/logistics</i>. With the launch of the <b>ASEAN Economic Community</b>, the regional single market, on 1 January this year, the</i><i><i> English-language </i> <b>ASEAN SME Academy</b> is expected to add resources on regional and international markets. Further details provided by the <b>ASEAN Secretariat</b> follow. Access and test the "live" website now at <b><a href="http://www.asean-sme-academy.org/">www.asean-sme-academy.org</a></b>.</i></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The home page of the English-language <b>ASEAN SME Academy</b> website - now accessible online at <b>www.asean-sme-academy.org</b></td></tr>
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MICRO, SMALL AND MEDIUM enterprises (MSME) in Southeast Asia are set to benefit from the <a href="http://www.asean-sme-academy.org/" target="_blank"><b>ASEAN SME On-line Academy</b></a> which offers courses and business information for MSME accessible through computers, smart phones, and tablets. The Academy was launched on 31 May 2016 on the sidelines of the inaugural <b>ASEAN Coordinating Committee on MSME</b> (ACCMSME) meeting hosted by <b><a href="http://www.spring.gov.sg/" target="_blank">SPRING Singapore</a>.</b><br />
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“The launch of the Academy supports <b><a href="http://www.asean.org/" target="_blank">ASEAN</a></b>’s efforts to strengthen the development of ASEAN MSMEs through training materials that will contribute to knowledge enhancement and uplift MSMEs’ capacity and capability in doing business in the Community,” <b>Dr Wimonkan Kosumas</b>, Deputy Director-General of the <a href="http://www.sme.go.th/eng/" target="_blank"><b>Office of SMEs Promotion Thailand</b></a>, said at the launch. <br />
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ASEAN MSMEs will be able to access Academy courses and tools that cover subjects such as finance/accounting, management, marketing, operation, technology and trade/logistics. The business information on the Academy will also assist MSMEs to find networking opportunities and gain access to region-specific information to further grow and upgrade their businesses. The training courses and business information will be upgraded and expanded over time.<br />
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“Developing entrepreneurial education and learning programmes are a key plank of the <a href="http://www.asean.org/storage/images/2015/November/ASEAN-SAP-SMED-2016-2025/SAP%20SMED%20-%20Final.pdf" target="_blank"><b>ASEAN Strategic Action Plan for SME Development 2025</b></a> and we are pleased to see the first phase kick-off today, thanks to support from US-ACTI,” said <b>Mr Nguyen Hoa Cuong</b>, Chair of the ACCMSME and Deputy Director-General of the <a href="http://en.business.gov.vn/" target="_blank"><b>Agency for Enterprise Development Viet Nam</b></a>.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The ASEAN SME Academy was launched on the sidelines of the inaugural ASEAN Coordinating Committee on MSME meeting hosted by SPRING Singapore. Photo: Asean Secretariat</td></tr>
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The <a href="https://www.usasean.org/" target="_blank"><b>US-ASEAN Business Council </b></a>(US-ABC), which is supporting this effort with ASEAN, believes the ASEAN SME On-line Academy can serve as a force multiplier for U.S. business efforts to support MSME in ASEAN through such programmes. </div>
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“The goal is to further develop the Academy into a one-stop, online resource for learning about regional and international markets, latest technologies, and for access to service providers and more financing opportunities, and its online presence will substantially expand the reach of US-ABC programs to support MSME,” said <b>Ambassador Michael W. Michalak</b>, US-ABC Senior Vice President and Regional Managing Director, in his opening remarks. “Courses are available for start-up businesses, as well as for more developed enterprises,” he added.<br />
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The Academy is supported by ASEAN and the <a href="https://www.usaid.gov/news-information/press-releases/mar-04-2014-launch-us-asean-business-alliance-competitive-smes" target="_blank"><b>US-ASEAN Business Alliance for Competitive SMEs</b></a>. The Business Alliance is a three-year public-private partnership launched in March 2014 between the <a href="https://www.usaid.gov/" target="_blank"><b>U.S. Agency for International Development</b></a>, through the <a href="http://www.nathaninc.com/projects-and-cases/asean-connectivity-through-trade-and-investment-acti" target="_blank"><b>ASEAN Connectivity through Trade and Investment</b></a> project, and the US-ASEAN Business Council.<br />
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Course materials featured in the Academy were contributed by <b>Baker & McKenzie, Facebook, Google, MasterCard, Microsoft, PayPal, International Labour Organization, Hewlett Packard</b>, and <b>Procter & Gamble</b>.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7545063724488096597.post-86009449925779937602016-05-26T01:00:00.000+08:002016-05-26T01:00:20.596+08:00ASEAN businesses emphasise stronger private sector engagement in AEC 2025<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i>The <b>ASEAN Business Clu</b>b and regional companies have again expressed support for the <a href="http://www.asean.org/storage/images/2015/November/aec-page/ASEAN-Community-Vision-2025.pdf" target="_blank"><b>ASEAN Economic Community 2025 Vision</b></a> to realise a highly integrated community with a people-centred agenda. However their welcome to news of the strengthening of the private sector’s role in the next ten years of ASEAN Economic Community building is tempered by reservations: </i></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="background-color: white; display: inline ! important; float: none; font-size: 12px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">Tan Sri Dr. Munir Majid, President of the ASEAN Business Club, Dato' Sri Mustapa Mohamed, Minister for International Trade and Industry of Malaysia and Pongpiti Ektheinchai, Head of International Relations of the Stock Exchange of Thailand</span></span></td></tr>
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A SPECIAL DIALOGUE focused on the <b>ASEAN Economic Community 2025</b>, jointly organised by the <b><a href="http://www.aseanbusinessclub.org/" target="_blank">ASEAN Business Club</a></b>, the <a href="http://www.cariasean.org/" target="_blank"><b>CIMB ASEAN Research Institute</b></a> and Malaysia's <b><a href="http://www.miti.gov.my/" target="_blank">Ministry of International Trade and Industry</a>, </b>attracted over 150 multinationals, regional businesses and media to MITI Tower, Kuala Lumpur on 24 May. </div>
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Four panelists introduced discussions on the efforts and challenges in strengthening the private sector's role in the AEC 2025 Vision. In the coming decade, ASEAN has committed to institutionalise within each body a consultative process with lead private sector associations and business councils to support the implementation of various sectors. ASEAN has identified four prioritised sectors, namely retail (including e-commerce), agri-food, healthcare and logistics for the removal of non-tariff barriers.</div>
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"Private sector engagement with leaders and ministers in the past has seen insufficient progress in the removal non-tariff barriers," said <b>Tan Sri Dr. Munir Majid</b>, President of the ASEAN Business Club.<br />
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"The next phase must focus on tangible outcome, with the private sector working through ASEAN bodies from the bottom up as well. We call for the inclusion of private sector experts in the ASEAN policy making process,” </div>
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At the dialogue, Minister for International Trade and Industry of Malaysia, <b>Dato' Sri Mustapa Mohamed</b> presented key priorities of the <b><a href="http://www.asean.org/storage/images/2015/November/aec-page/AEC-Blueprint-2025-FINAL.pdf" target="_blank">AEC 2025 Blueprint</a> </b>which was released during Malaysia’s chairmanship year in 2015.</div>
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“The AEC is still a work in progress. There is an urgent need for us to transform ASEAN’s working mechanism and deepen economic integration. We have to be guided by a broader vision of a more inclusive ASEAN. This successor document outlines the strategic measures to be undertaken which will ensure ASEAN becomes a highly integrated and remains a cohesive economy, accords priority towards enhancing economic connectivity, promotes innovation and inclusive growth, and to continue to strengthen linkages with trading partners, regional and international economic groupings,” said the minister. </div>
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According to Dato Sri’ Mustapa, ASEAN will release the detailed action plan of the AEC Blueprint 2025 by the end of this year. The expeditious implementation of the new AEC Blueprint measures will be critical in ASEAN’s efforts to remain a hub for global economic activities.</div>
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Also speaking at the forum was <b>Pongpiti Ektheinchai</b>, Head of International Relations of the <b>Stock Exchange of Thailand</b>.</div>
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As at February 2016, the <a href="http://www.aseanexchanges.org/" target="_blank"><b>ASEAN Exchanges</b></a> has US$2 trillion combined market capitalisation of over 4,000 companies from seven exchanges of six ASEAN countries. The ASEAN Exchanges’ implementation pillars are to promote and market ASEAN as an asset class, and to enhance connectivity by linking all ASEAN Exchanges through the <b>ASEAN Trading Link</b>. </div>
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In the near future, it plans to organize ASEAN road shows in major financial cities to promote intra-ASEAN-listed companies through research, as well as working with leading index provider to promote regional products.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com